Meso to Neoproterozoic polyphase rifting and tectonic inversion: The example of the São João del Rei region at the southern border of the São Francisco Craton, Brazil

2021 ◽  
Vol 109 ◽  
pp. 103294
Author(s):  
F. Nepomuceno ◽  
A. Ribeiro ◽  
D.R. Silva ◽  
G.L.C. Pires ◽  
R.A.J. Trouw ◽  
...  
2020 ◽  
pp. 409-432
Author(s):  
Oskar Kubrak ◽  
Paulina Kubrak ◽  
Mkrtich H. Zardaryan

During the last years of Emperor Trajan’s reign, the Legio IV Scythica was stationed in the capital of Armenia at that time, Artaxata. It had made its way there within the scope of the Roman campaign against the Parthians. Its presence was immortalised on stamped rooftiles, bricks and a monumental inscription discovered by the southern border of the present-day village of Pokr Vedi. The inscription carved into limestone confirms the building activities of the Roman army. Similar inscriptions were frequently placed on the gates and most important buildings in legionary camps. Polish and Armenian archaeologists undertook a joint search for the supposed camp of the Fourth Scythian Legion in the vicinity of the present-day village of Pokr Vedi, where the above-mentioned construction inscription had been found. The field surveys conducted within the framework of the Pokr Vedi Project were mainly of a non-invasive character. The following were applied: surface prospection, aerial photography, interviews with the inhabitants, scanning of part of the terrain and geophysical measurements done using two methods: electrical resistivity and magnetic measurements. The accumulated data enabled the selection of sites in which survey trenches were located


Author(s):  
Nonglaksana Kama ◽  
Munirah Yamirudeng

Language is known to have an effect on ethnic identity.For cultural groups who hold knowledge of ethnic language as a core value, language shift can lead to a loss of ethnic identity, cultural fragmentation and “non-authentic” expressions of ethnicity Thelanguage has played and is still playing a symbolic role in the evolution and maintenance of ethnic identity within the Malay Muslim community in southern Thailand. Itis significant to know how the Malay language was used as a symbol to create and sustain the Malay identity on the ways in which Malay Muslims today understand ethnic identity, and how ethnic language fits into their own ethnic self-identifications.This paper attempts to answer the question why Malay language constitutes a vital element in the maintenance of Malay ethnic identity among the Malays of southern Thailand.Two facts have been identified regarding the language and ethnicity link among Malay Muslims. First, Malay language is seen as a relevant ethno-cultural marker and its usage is limited within family, relatives and close friends. Second, Malay language is preserved along with Thai language, making many Malay Muslims bilingual, which is quite typical in the southern border provinces of Thailand.


2020 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 101-121
Author(s):  
Chava Brownfield-Stein

Examining the activities of the Israel Defense Forces along the Gaza-Israel border, this article identifies a new phase in what the author calls ‘military-police fusion’. The analysis focuses on novel technologies—remote-controlled weapon stations and unmanned ground vehicles—and on the women soldiers who operate these systems. The central claim is that the blurring of boundaries between military and policing missions, combined with high-tech weaponry, has resulted in the development and implementation of new modes of violence that are currently undergoing a process of redefinition and feminization. The article addresses three key dimensions of the processes occurring in the hybrid operational environment along the Gaza-Israel border: the legal dimension, the technological dimension, and the gender dimension.


Author(s):  
Feiko Kalsbeek ◽  
Lilian Skjernaa

NOTE: This article was published in a former series of GEUS Bulletin. Please use the original series name when citing this article, for example: Kalsbeek, F., & Skjernaa, L. (1999). The Archaean Atâ intrusive complex (Atâ tonalite), north-east Disko Bugt, West Greenland. Geology of Greenland Survey Bulletin, 181, 103-112. https://doi.org/10.34194/ggub.v181.5118 _______________ The 2800 Ma Atâ intrusive complex (elsewhere referred to as ‘Atâ granite’ or ‘Atâ tonalite’), which occupies an area of c. 400 km2 in the area north-east of Disko Bugt, was emplaced into grey migmatitic gneisses and supracrustal rocks. At its southern border the Atâ complex is cut by younger granites. The complex is divided by a belt of supracrustal rocks into a western, mainly tonalitic part, and an eastern part consisting mainly of granodiorite and trondhjemite. The ‘eastern complex’ is a classical pluton. It is little deformed in its central part, displaying well-preserved igneous layering and local orbicular textures. Near its intrusive contact with the overlying supracrustal rocks the rocks become foliated, with foliation parallel to the contact. The Atâ intrusive complex has escaped much of the later Archaean and early Proterozoic deformation and metamorphism that characterises the gneisses to the north and to the south; it belongs to the best-preserved Archaean tonalite-trondhjemite-granodiorite intrusions in Greenland.


Author(s):  
Pınar Akdemir Özışık ◽  
Kubilay Murat Özdener ◽  
Berkan Ural ◽  
Uygur Er ◽  
Ali Savaş

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-16
Author(s):  
Rebecca Tapscott

The notion that states pursue a monopoly over the use of force rings increasingly hollow. From vigilantes that patrol the United States’ southern border, to thugs for hire in China, states are characterized by non-state violent actors. These trends are more pronounced in comparatively lower-capacity states. Employing the concept of “security assemblages,” I propose that it is crucial to consider historically embedded relations among violent actors and institutions in order to understand their socio-political role and implications for state authority. This approach offers three insights: first, in low-capacity states, violence is not zero-sum. Rather, it is assembled among diverse actors, which each have historically embedded comparative advantages. Second, therefore, state efforts to monopolize violence should be taken as an empirical question rather than an assumption grounding analysis. Third, relationships between violent actors occur in thick institutional environments, meaning that violent actors, including state actors and institutions, often must act under significant constraints. To illustrate these points, I conduct a mixed-methods nested study of vigilantes in Uganda, finding that vigilantes are more common where other authorities are present, and are more helpful when other authorities are also more helpful. Focusing on dynamics between vigilantes and police, I pinpoint their historically distinct roles: the police were established as a colonial-era institution to suppress political dissent, while vigilantes have long been socially embedded actors tasked with everyday security provision. Thus, in this case, police and vigilantes are not substitutes; instead they play distinct and complementary roles.


2017 ◽  
Vol 38 (3) ◽  
pp. 204-211 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kritsadee Phuangrod ◽  
Sanguan Lerkiatbundit ◽  
Somnuk Aujiraponpan

2006 ◽  
Vol 28 (11) ◽  
pp. 1891-1892 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rob Butler ◽  
Enrico Tavarnelli ◽  
Mario Grasso

2021 ◽  
pp. 239965442110030
Author(s):  
Åshild Kolås ◽  
Lacin ldil Oztig

The pledge to build a “great”, “beautiful” southern border wall was a cornerstone of Donald J. Trump’s 2016 presidential election campaign. This paper analyzes Trump’s border wall project as an example of performative statecraft, suggesting that the wall works better rhetorically, than as a barrier against unauthorized cross-border movement. Identifying Trump’s performative statecraft as “entrepreneurial”, we argue that his border wall discourse differs from that of earlier presidents in the way Trump meshes the performance of the border wall as a protective device with his own performance as an entrepreneur and developer. Trump’s border wall discourse accentuates his personal skills as an entrepreneur, and makes these skills relevant to his key campaign promises: to “Make America Great Again”, and defend the nation against transnational crime. Despite Trump’s radical reformulation of US asylum policy, enhanced pursuit of unauthorized immigrants, termination of Obama-era programs like Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA), and disturbing but short-lived family separation and ‘Zero-Tolerance’ detention scheme, the border security policies of President Trump are not as novel as his promotional campaigns would have us believe. In fact, Trump’s border control strategies have continued many of the measures introduced by earlier presidents. The novelty of the Trump presidency lies in the strong focus on the new US–Mexico border wall, and fervent attention to the physical attributes and instrumental functions of the wall. Much more than a fence, Trump’s proposed border wall is a grand, awe-inspiring monument to national security, and to Trump’s entrepreneurial statecraft. It also works as a visual aide for Trump’s plan to “Make America Great Again”. Border walls stand as testimony to the power of the state, and the determination of those who defend it. Trump’s border wall would be no exception.


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