scholarly journals Word Production Complexity and Picture-Naming Accuracy in Aphasia

2013 ◽  
Vol 94 ◽  
pp. 53-54
Author(s):  
D. Fryer ◽  
A. Bose
2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Merel Muylle ◽  
Eva Van Assche ◽  
Robert Hartsuiker

Cognates – words that share form and meaning between languages – are processed faster than control words. However, it is unclear whether this effect is merely lexical (i.e., central) in nature, or whether it cascades to phonological/orthographic (i.e., peripheral) processes. This study compared the cognate effect in spoken and typewritten production, which share central, but not peripheral processes. We inquired whether this effect is present in typewriting, and if so, whether its magnitude is similar to spoken production. Dutch-English bilinguals performed either a spoken or written picture naming task in English; picture names were either Dutch-English cognates or control words. Cognates were named faster than controls and there was no cognate-by-modality interaction. Additionally, there was a similar error pattern in both modalities. These results suggest that common underlying processes are responsible for the cognate effect in spoken and written language production, and thus a central locus of the cognate effect.


2011 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 374-381 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marina Laganaro ◽  
Stéphanie Morand ◽  
Christoph M. Michel ◽  
Laurent Spinelli ◽  
Armin Schnider

Changes in brain activity characterizing impaired speech production after brain damage have usually been investigated by comparing aphasic speakers with healthy subjects because prestroke data are normally not available. However, when interpreting the results of studies of stroke patients versus healthy controls, there is an inherent difficulty in disentangling the contribution of neuropathology from other sources of between-subject variability. In the present work, we had an unusual opportunity to study an aphasic patient with severe anomia who had incidentally performed a picture naming task in an ERP study as a control subject one year before suffering a left hemisphere stroke. The fortuitous recording of this patient's brain activity before his stroke allows direct comparison of his pre- and poststroke brain activity in the same language production task. The subject did not differ from other healthy subjects before his stroke, but presented major electrophysiological differences after stroke, both in comparison to himself before stroke and to the control group. ERP changes consistently appeared after stroke in a specific time window starting about 250 msec after picture onset, characterized by a single divergent but stable topographic configuration of the scalp electric field associated with a cortical generator abnormally limited to left temporal posterior perilesional areas. The patient's pattern of anomia revealed a severe lexical–phonological impairment and his ERP responses diverged from those of healthy controls in the time window that has previously been associated with lexical–phonological processes during picture naming. Given that his prestroke ERPs were indistinguishable from those of healthy controls, it seems highly likely that the change in his poststroke ERPs is due to changes in language production processes as a consequence of stroke. The patient's neurolinguistic deficits, combined with the ERPs results, provide unique evidence for the role of left temporal cortex in lexical–phonological processing from about 250 to 450 msec during word production.


2019 ◽  
Vol 72 (12) ◽  
pp. 2752-2775 ◽  
Author(s):  
Solène Hameau ◽  
Lyndsey Nickels ◽  
Britta Biedermann

When producing words, it is generally agreed that semantically related words are activated along with the target. However, relatively little is known about the extent to which the number of such semantically related words affects the production of spoken words. The research presented here explores, in detail, the influence of semantic neighbourhood density—the number of words of similar meaning in the lexicon—on picture naming performance in both unimpaired speakers and a large group of individuals with aphasia. In Experiment 1, six different semantic neighbourhood density measures were compared using principal component analysis. Four different semantic neighbourhood density components were identified: feature-based, context-based, association-based, and distant. In Experiment 2, these new measures were used as predictors in an analysis of picture naming data from unimpaired English speakers: no significant effects of semantic neighbourhood factors were observed on either latency or accuracy. Finally, Experiment 3 reports an analysis of picture naming responses of a large group of individuals with aphasia ( n = 193), examining the influence of the semantic neighbourhood density measures. Effects of the feature-based semantic neighbourhood measure on accuracy varied across participants with no overall main effect. This same measure increased the probability of a coordinate error compared with a correct response but also compared with an omission. Results are best accommodated by theories of word production that incorporate mechanisms by which semantically related concepts can both facilitate and inhibit target production.


2011 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 369-387 ◽  
Author(s):  
Skott E. Freedman ◽  
Jessica A. Barlow

Numerous lexical and sublexical factors have been reported to influence speech production in monolinguals (Storkel, 2001; Vitevitch, 2002); however, whole-word production analyses have rarely been used to measure such influences. The present study investigated the effects of phonotactic probability and neighborhood density on bilingual speech production using whole-word production measures (Ingram, 2002). Five typically developing English–Spanish bilingual children were administered a picture-naming task in English and Spanish in which stimuli varied in sublexical and lexical parameters. Their English and Spanish productions were compared with those of five age-matched monolingual English- and Spanish-speaking children, respectively. No differences were found between bilinguals and monolinguals in the respective languages; however, bilinguals evidenced greater phonological complexity in Spanish than English on words with low phonotactic probability and low neighborhood density. Whole-word approximation remained similar between languages. Findings are interpreted in the context of crosslinguistic influences of sublexical and lexical factors on speech production.


2018 ◽  
Vol 71 (10) ◽  
pp. 2115-2128 ◽  
Author(s):  
Junjie Wu ◽  
Chunyan Kang ◽  
Fengyang Ma ◽  
Xiaoyi Gao ◽  
Taomei Guo

This study examined the effect of short-term language-switching training on the cognitive control mechanism in bilingual word production. In two experiments, two groups of relatively proficient but unbalanced Chinese–English bilinguals performed a cued picture-naming task, in which they switched between their two languages. On two consecutive days, the participants took part in four sessions. The same procedure was employed on 2 days in Experiment 1, whereas the cue-language mapping was reversed on Day 2 in Experiment 2. In both experiments, picture naming in the dominant language (L1, Chinese) was slower than that in the weaker second language (L2, English) in all sessions. In addition, the reversed language dominance effect was enhanced with training, suggesting that training proactively increases the amount of inhibition of the dominant L1 at the global level. Furthermore, switching costs in the L1 were reduced with training in Experiment 1, but not in Experiment 2. These results indicate that language-switching training improves the efficiency of reactively exerting inhibitory control over the dominant L1 at the local level. However, when a cue matches with different target languages, the effect of training is absent at the local level. These findings reveal the plasticity and complexity of the cognitive control mechanism as a function of bilingual experience, particularly in language switching.


2009 ◽  
Vol 21 (8) ◽  
pp. 1499-1510 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marina Laganaro ◽  
Stéphanie Morand ◽  
Armin Schnider

Impaired word production after brain damage can be due to impairment at lexical–semantic or at lexical–phonological levels of word encoding. These processes are thought to involve different brain regions and to have different time courses. The present study investigated the time course of electrophysiological correlates of anomia in 16 aphasic speakers, divided in two subgroups according to their anomic pattern (8 with lexical–semantic impairment and 8 with lexical–phonological impairment), in comparison to 16 healthy control subjects performing the same picture naming task. Differences in amplitudes and in topographic maps between groups were differently distributed when the whole heterogeneous group of aphasic patients was compared to the control group and when the two more homogeneous subgroups of anomic patients were analyzed. The entire aphasic group expressed different waveforms and topographic patterns than the control group starting about 100 msec after picture presentation. When two subgroups of aphasic patients are considered according to the underlying cognitive impairment, early event-related potential (ERP) abnormalities (100–250 msec) appeared only in the lexical–semantic subgroup, whereas later ERP abnormalities (300–450 msec) occurred only in the lexical–phonological subgroup. These results indicate that the time windows of ERP abnormalities vary depending on the underlying anomic impairment. Moreover, the findings give support to current hypotheses on the time course of processes involved in word production during picture naming.


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