Cognitive mobilization and electoral support for the Democratic Party in Hong Kong

2002 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 561-582 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hsin-chi Kuan ◽  
Siu-kai Lau
Keyword(s):  
Hong Kong ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Electoral Support ◽  
Cognitive Mobilization

Partisan Activism in the Age of Individualization

2019 ◽  
pp. 66-87
Author(s):  
Fabio Wolkenstein
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
Social Democratic Party ◽  
Social Democratic ◽  
Face To Face ◽  
Electoral Support ◽  
The Social ◽  
Party Elites ◽  
Party Members ◽  
Group Interviews ◽  
Democratic Parties

This chapter addresses the following question: How do contemporary party members view themselves, their party, and their role in it? This question is important because the success of party reforms depends centrally on whether the newly-created channels of participation and engagement are recognized as meaningful and valuable by those who engage in parties (or are generally inclined to engage in them); and to find out what could be considered meaningful and valuable by these individuals we need to understand what they expect from a party in terms of participation and opportunities to make one’s agency felt. The basis of the study, as will be explained in detail, are focus group interviews held with party members of the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) and the Social Democratic Party of Austria (SPÖ), two parties that were chosen as empirical cases because Social Democratic parties are arguably on top of the list of the parties that may be considered ‘victims’ of the trend of shifting participatory norms, having lost much of their once-great electoral support across most of Europe. An important finding the chapter presents is the tendency of party members to demand (not more direct participation like membership ballots or the like but) more face-to-face contact and two-way communication with party elites and their fellow activists—which strengthens the general case for a more deliberative understanding of parties that the book advances.

The Strategic Coordination under Quasi-SNTV: A Case Study of Hong Kong

2017 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 155-175
Author(s):  
JUDY CHIA YIN WEI
Keyword(s):  
Hong Kong ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
The Political ◽  
Legislative Council ◽  
Internal Conflicts ◽  
Strategic Coordination ◽  
Single List ◽  
Better Than

AbstractThis article aims to explore the effects of quasi-SNTV (Single Non-transferable Vote) under the Largest Remainder Proportional Representation (LRPR) in Legislative Council (LegCo) elections in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) after the British handover of 1997. Although the quasi-SNTV results from the inability of political parties to control their candidates, the Democratic Party (DP) and the Democratic Alliance for the Betterment of Hong Kong (DAB) can obtain more seats in total than they could by coordinating around one single list if they can successfully control their party label and the political camps can coordinate different parties and candidates. The quasi-SNTV in Hong Kong is notable for the strategic coordination found in its alliances, a key aspect that differentiates it from Colombia's quasi-SNTV. The DP's failure can be attributed to its internal conflicts and the lack of coordination among the pro-democracy alliances. In contrast to the democratic camp, which lacks any overriding authority to coordinate different parties and candidates, the pro-China's united front machinery facilitates coordination and helps the DAB perform better than the DP in quasi-SNTV.

Moscow's solution for protest region is ill-judged

2020 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
Liberal Democratic Party ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
Electoral Support ◽  
Rule Change ◽  
Gubernatorial Election ◽  
Regional Elections

Significance Khabarovsk is entering a third week of sustained protests following the arrest of regional governor Sergey Furgal. The Kremlin has not responded to this act of rebellion and has instead produced a hierarchical solution, installing a replacement governor with none of the skills needed in this explosive situation. Impacts The timing means that (barring a rule change) Khabarovsk's gubernatorial election is likely next year, not this. The protests in Khabarovsk and elsewhere may damage electoral support for United Russia in regional and parliamentary elections. A new law allowing voting over several days, initially in regional elections, will permit manipulation to keep United Russia's vote up. If the situation deteriorates, the president will shift the blame onto the Liberal Democratic Party.

The Origins of Chancellor Democracy and the Transformation of the German Democratic Paradigm

2007 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 7-18 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hans Mommsen
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Social Democratic Party ◽  
Anglo Saxon ◽  
Constitutional Democracy ◽  
Electoral Support ◽  
Parliamentary Sovereignty ◽  
The Social

The role of Konrad Adenauer in the proceedings of the Parliamentary Council in Bonn and his decision after his election as first federal chancellor not to form a coalition government with the Social Democratic Party paved the way to a fundamental transformation of the traditional German democratic paradigm versus the Anglo-Saxon concept of interaction between government and parliamentary opposition. The inherited pattern of constitutional democracy that had contributed to the structural weaknesses of Weimar parliamentarism was replaced by the concept of an interaction between government and opposition. Political parties took on the primary tasks of securing stable parliamentary majorities and providing sufficient electoral support for the chancellor. Adenauer's resolved political leadership, therefore, was an indispensable contribution to the reorientation of West German political culture from the former distrust of unrestricted parliamentary sovereignty toward Western democratic traditions.

THE DECLINE OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY IN HONG KONG

Asian Survey ◽  
2001 ◽  
Vol 41 (4) ◽  
pp. 564-583 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ma Ngok
Keyword(s):  
Hong Kong ◽  
Democratic Party

scholarly journals Social status of legal opposition in modern Russia (based on the material of publications of the Liberal-Democratic Party of Russia

2020 ◽  
pp. 91-103
Author(s):  
Maksim Sergeevich Kozyrev
Keyword(s):  
Social Status ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Liberal Democratic Party ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
Ruling Elite ◽  
Theoretical Substantiation ◽  
Anti Semitism ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
Electoral Support

The goal of this work is to determine the social status of legal opposition in Russia based on the classical analysis. The object of this research is publications of the Liberal-Democratic Party of Russia (LDPR). The theory developed by Karl Mannheim serves as methodological framework for this work. It is determines that the representatives of the Liberal-Democratic Party of Russia belong to one of the groups of political elite that filled a relatively unpretentious niche. At the same time, the key (and perhaps the only) resource of the party is political one. Electoral support is the aspect the party can really rely on. Nationalism and anti-Semitism also are of populist nature, since they do not receive any due theoretical substantiation in the analyzed party documents. The party does not represents interest of large capital. Moreover, on the permanent basis LDPR leadership does not represent interests of any social group, besides the one they belong to. Reduction of the socioeconomic issues to the question of moral and business qualities of the ruling elite and possibility for its rotation suggest that the Liberal-Democratic Party of Russia is satisfied with the current political regime and socioeconomic formation. The struggle is only for expansion of the filled niche. The aforementioned factors, along with the absence of sustainable and resourceful social backbone, leads to the thought that the existence of liberal democrats in Russia is directly or indirectly supported by the ruling elite.

Introduction

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicholas R. Seabrook
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
State Government ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
The United States ◽  
State Legislature ◽  
Federal Courts ◽  
The State ◽  
Electoral Support ◽  
First Time ◽  
Considerable Pressure

As the results of the 2002 election flashed across their television screens, Texas’s congressional Republicans could be forgiven for feeling a certain amount of dissatisfaction with the redistricting process in the United States. Their party had seen its share of the statewide vote in U.S. House elections increase from 49.8 percent in 1992 to 54.9 percent in 2002. Yet, even with this latest ten-point victory over the Democrats in the popular vote, they had once again failed to convert their increasingly dominant electoral support into a Republican majority in the state’s congressional delegation. A partisan gerrymander, passed in the wake of the 1990 Census and left largely intact by the district boundaries implemented by the federal courts following the 2000 Census, had allowed the Democratic Party to maintain its overall majority in the Texas delegation for more than a decade. The Democrats won twenty-one of Texas’s thirty seats in Congress in 1992, and managed to retain control of nineteen in 1994 and seventeen from 1996 to 2000, despite averaging just 45.8 percent of the two-party vote in these elections. In 2003, the Texas Republicans, armed for the first time with control of both houses of the state legislature and the governorship, undertook an unprecedented mid-decade redrawing of the state’s congressional boundaries. Though many Republicans in the state government were opposed to the idea of redrawing the district boundaries mid-decade, the effort was initiated under considerable pressure from Republicans in Congress, most notably House majority leader Tom DeLay (...

The Center Wages Kulturpolitik: Conflict in the Marx-Keudell Cabinet of 1927

1969 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 139-158 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ellen L. Evans
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
Social Democratic Party ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
People's Party ◽  
Center Party ◽  
Electoral Support ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Right

In descriptions of the political structure of the Weimar Republic, the German Center Party is usually grouped as a party of the “middle,” together with the German Democratic Party and German People's Party, between the left-wing Social Democrats and the right-wing German Nationalists. In the years after 1928, the Center showed an increasing disinclination to work in coalition with the Social Democratic Party and finally, under the leadership of Dr. Ludwig Kaas, the last chairman of the Center Party, broke completely with the Socialists. During the same years Heinrich Brüning, Chancellor of Germany from 1930 to 1932, made persistent, though futile, attempts to find an acceptable coalition partner for the Center on the Right, hoping, among other possibilities, to encourage a secession movement from the Nationalist Party in 1930. Because of the rapid dwindling of electoral support for the other parties of the middle, very little attention has been paid to the Center's relationship with them. It is the purpose of this article to show that the mutual antipathies between these parties and the Center were as great or greater than its antipathy toward Social Democracy on certain matters which were vital to the Center's existence. By 1928, in fact, coalition with the parties of the middle had become as unsatisfactory to the leaders of the Center as coalition with the party of the Left. The turning-point in this development was the breakup of the Marx-Keudell right-wing cabinet of 1927. The failure of that government to attain the party's goals in the realm of Kulturpolitik, i.e., religion and education, confirmed the Center's disillusionment with the workings of the parliamentary system itself.

scholarly journals Mafia in the Ballot Box

2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 134-167 ◽  
Author(s):  
Giuseppe De Feo ◽  
Giacomo Davide De Luca
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Organized Crime ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Electoral Competition ◽  
Construction Sector ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Suggestive Evidence ◽  
Electoral Support ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Significant Support

We study the impact of organized crime on electoral results, analyzing in detail the national parliamentary elections in Sicily for the period 1946–1992. We document the significant support given by the Sicilian mafia to the Christian Democratic Party when the electoral competition by the Communist Party strengthened. We also provide suggestive evidence that, in exchange for its electoral support, the mafia obtained economic advantages in the construction sector. (JEL D72, K42, L74)

Electoral Institutions, Hometowns, and Favored Minorities: Evidence from Japanese Electoral Reforms

2006 ◽  
Vol 59 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-82 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shigeo Hirano
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
Liberal Democratic Party ◽  
Electoral Reform ◽  
Data Sets ◽  
Electoral Institutions ◽  
Intergovernmental Transfers ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
Geographic Patterns ◽  
Electoral Support ◽  
Electoral Reforms

This article presents evidence that electoral institutions affect the geographic distribution of both candidate electoral support and government resources. The author exploits two electoral reforms in Japan to identify the effect of institutional incentives: (1) the 1994 electoral reform from a multimember single nontransferable vote (SNTV) system to a mixed-member majoritarian (MMM) system with a single-member district (SMD) component and a proportional representation component; and (2) the 1925 electoral reform from a predominantly SMD system to a multimember SNTV system. Using several new data sets, the two main findings of this article are that (1) Japanese representatives competing in multimember SNTV districts had more geographically concentrated electoral support than those competing in SMDs and that (2) intergovernmental transfers appear to be more concentrated around Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) incumbents' home offices under the multimember SNTV system than under the MMM system. The findings in this article highlight the connection between institutions and geographic patterns of representation.

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