Muslim-Majority States, Human Rights Treaty Obligations, and the 1980 Hague Abduction Convention

2021 ◽  
pp. 63-144
Keyword(s):  
2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-15
Author(s):  
Sara Duodu

In 2005, Turkey entered into negotiations for membership with the European Union. Turkey has been an important strategic ally to the European Union in the Middle East, explaining the mutual desire for closer ties between the two. While these negotiations showed promise early on, it has become increasingly apparent that Turkish accession to the European Union will not come easily, if at all. Officially, the European Union cites Turkey’s shortcomings on issues such as human rights as the reason for the stall in negotiations. However, upon closer inspection, it is evident that there is more at play, particularly as the European Union has been inconsistent in their approach to addressing human rights violations. Member states such as Poland and Hungary, which have recent human rights violations, have not faced the same kind of condemnation that Turkey has from the leaders of the European Union. The reality is that the European Union is largely united by its shared Europeanness and Christianity. As a result, due to questions over Turkey’s Europeanness and its large Muslim majority, the European Union is apprehensive to afford it full membership. It can be said that the European Union has maintained that Turkish accession is still possible in order to continue reaping the strategic benefits from close relations with Turkey.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 599-607 ◽  
Author(s):  
H. Habiburrahim ◽  
Zainah Rahmiati ◽  
Safrul Muluk ◽  
Saiful Akmal ◽  
Zulfadli A. Aziz

The implementation of Sharia law in Aceh in 2001 has ignited various reactions from both national and international communities. Some argued that this Sharia law could have a detrimental effect on human rights issues. Others claimed that as a province populated by the Muslim majority, Aceh should be given an opportunity to legalise its own legal product, ensuring that Sharia law is part of Acehnese religious values. This paper is primarily concerned with analysing the texts taken from The Jakarta Post newspaper’s article regarding the formal implementation of the local Sharia law in Aceh. The article is examined by means of various tools in Discourse Analysis method, including social identity, speech acts and implicature, genres and register. The findings elucidate that the speech and discourse of the participants and their interpretation are highly influenced by identity and community ideology of the speakers.


Subject The impact of repression in Xinjiang on China's relations with Muslim-majority countries. Significance The silence of Muslim-majority countries in the face of human rights abuses in Xinjiang contrasts with their international activism on behalf of Palestine, Kashmir and the Rohingya minority in Myanmar. Impacts Governments in the more repressive Muslim-majority countries, especially in the Middle East, will censor discussion of the Xinjiang issue. Where public pressure forces the governments of Muslim-majority countries to act, responses are unlikely to go beyond rhetoric. Beijing would not hesitate to use limited economic sanctions to punish Muslim-majority countries that criticise its internal policies.


2010 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-80 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adam Hofri-Winogradow

AbstractThis article offers a novel interpretation of Israel's constitutional discourse. It is well-known that despite its Jewish majority, Israel orders marriage and divorce in a manner similar to that prevalent in most Muslim-majority countries: by granting the traditional religious community courts of the various religious groups which make up its population exclusive jurisdiction over community members' matters of marriage and divorce. What is less well known is that Israel's constitutional discourse, too, fits a pattern common in Muslim-majority jurisdictions, in espousing a double commitment to both a religion—in Israel's case, Judaism—and human rights. The Israeli Supreme Court has for decades emphasized Israeli constitutional law's commitment to liberalism and human rights while de-emphasizing its commitment to religion. Consistently with this approach, the Court has considered Israel's marriage regime an anachronistic blot on the law, and has constructed an alternative, civil marriage regime to serve the needs of Israel's secular liberals, whose views the Court often echos. I argue that the Court should strive to render its liberal policy choices more palatable for Israel's conservatives, by presenting them as the results of a harmonization of the religious and human rights pillars of Israel's constitutional discourse, investing in a close analysis of religious texts directed at legitimating those choices, where possible, in religious terms. A recent Israeli case hints in this direction. I conclude by suggesting that Israel's Muslim-majority type marriage regime, updated to include a civil marriage alternative, could be seen as a reflection of its complex constitutional order.


Author(s):  
Robert Paul Churchill

This chapter explores the oddity and complexity of honor killing. Sample incidents are discussed to reveal the general features of honor killing as a traditional practice significantly different from other forms of femicide. Adopting the Human Rights Watch definition of honor killing as a neutral and provisional guide, the chapter argues that honor killing should be distinguished from crimes of passion, domestic violence, and crimes of violence. Honor killings uniquely involve perceived obligations to execute a dishonored female where male blood relatives serve as killers and killing is a means of restoring family honor. Although most common in Muslim-majority countries, this practice occurs globally and apparently at an increasing rate. There is continuing public support for honor killing in some countries where it has been traditional despite increased official efforts to criminalize the practice. There is no special connection between Islam and honor killing. No religion endorses honor killing.


Author(s):  
Jamal J. Elias

This chapter continues the discussion of childhood undertaken in the previous chapter. Child rights are explored within the framework of universal human rights and the more confined limits of documents on rights ratified by Muslim-majority countries, such as the Cairo Declaration of Human Rights in Islam and the Declaration on the Rights and Care of the Child in Islam. It provides an overview of childhood in Islamic history, beginning with references to childhood in the Qur’an and continuing to a survey of classical and medieval Islamic medical and religious literature addressing the juvenile phases of human life. The education of children in the thought of classical Muslim thinkers, especially Ghazali, emphasizes the moral purpose of education and locates play and exercise within that frame. The chapter continues to discuss childhood in the modern Muslim thought, highlighting rites of passage, the gendering of children, and the role of education and literature in engendering the concept of modern childhood in the Western and Islamic worlds, using Egypt as a principal example of the growth of modern education in Islamic society.


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Yeni Sri Lestari

AbstractThe success of one country's democratic system is characterized by the increasing subsistence of freedoms owned by citizens such as freedom of expression, association to other individual freedoms as stated in the respective constitutions of a country. Notwithstanding the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (DUHAM), policies on human rights began to thrive in the world as the main pillar of democracy, one of which speaks of the recognition of LGBT rights. LGBT phenomena that hit most of the world are often viewed from two contradictory perspectives, those who legalize and which do not legalize (illegal). This study found that although both the United States and Indonesia share the principles of democracy in the life of the state, the Muslim majority of Indonesia views LGBT as a violation of Islamic values and norms, but the recognition of human rights is still appreciated only by the behavior of LGBT as an act of social aberrations. Keyword: LGBT, HAM, Amerika dan Indonesia


2021 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
Hassan M. Ahmad

Abstract This article considers the four eyewitness threshold for zinā’ in Islamic criminal law. In some Muslim-majority countries where zinā’ remains an offence, judiciaries have by-passed the threshold by accepting singular confessions from male fornicators or, otherwise, inferring fornication from pregnancy outside of marriage. As a result, a disproportionate number of women have been prosecuted, convicted, and even punished for zinā’. I assert that the four-eyewitness threshold allows for an alternative way to view zinā’ that can result in a different set of consequences. If the threshold is taken seriously such that it becomes the only evidentiary basis upon which a zinā’ conviction can be entered, it will create an effective or de facto exemption where alleged perpetrators can never be convicted, except in the rarest cases where four independent eyewitnesses can be corralled. If adopted, this approach would provide a principled basis to reject opportunistic confessions that deflect punishment to accused female fornicators. And as an ‘internal’ solution that arises within the framework of the sharī’a, a de facto exemption approach is more likely to be perceived as legitimate when compared with proposed solutions that find their basis in international human rights legal instruments.


2018 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 235-273 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yüksel Sezgin

Should a democratic regime formally incorporate religious laws and courts into its otherwise secular legal system? This is not a hypothetical question. Some democratic nations already formally integrate religion-based laws in the field of family law (especially Muslim Family Law – MFL). Although state-enforced MFLs often affect human rights negatively, many governments, especially non-Muslim majority ones, have refrained from direct legislative interventions into substantive MFLs. Instead they have empowered civil courts to play the role of “reformer.” But how successful have civil judiciaries in non-Muslim regimes been in “reforming” Muslim laws? On the basis of an analysis of the MFL jurisprudence of Israeli and Greek civil courts over the last three decades, I argue that civil courts could not have brought about any direct changes in Muslim law, however, they have had an indirect effect by pressuring religious courts/authorities to undertake self-reform.



2006 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 145-163 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anthony Chase

AbstractLiberal Islam has become increasingly prominent in academic discourse with its argument that Islam is the necessary foundation to human rights in the Muslim world. This article argues that this theoretical premise is misguided. Instead of whether or not the rights regime makes sense given political, economic, and social context in Muslim-majority states, in a liberal Islam paradigm the question becomes whether or not there are convincing doctrinal arguments regarding the place of human rights in Islamic law. This accepts, in essence, the need for literalist religious justifications for human rights, making an argument for rights a dispute over religious doctrine: a dispute that takes place on an elite, juristic field on which reformers have little claim to institutional authority, human rights scant normative power, and that is disconnected from everyday political and normative realities. More dangerously, it risks reifying the notion that Islam monopolizes the Muslim public sphere, rather than leaving space for normative diversity. Human rights foundations must be based in the theoretical premise that political change flows out of inherently pluralistic normative environments, and that this is as true in the Muslim world as it is elsewhere.


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