Liberal Thought and the “Problem” of Women: Cairo, 1890s

Author(s):  
Marilyn Booth
Keyword(s):  
Author(s):  
Catherine Rottenberg

This chapter examines Ivanka Trump’s Women Who Work in conjunction with Megyn Kelly’s memoir Settle for More and Ann-Marie Slaughter’s Unfinished Business. It first demonstrates how Women Who Work should be read as a neoliberal feminist manifesto. Trump’s how-to-succeed guide encourages the conversion of “aspirational” women into generic human capital by reworking motherhood in managerial terms, whereby women are exhorted to carefully manage the time they spend with their children. Yet, the notion of a happy work-family balance continues to serve as the book’s ideal, rendering it part of the neoliberal feminist turn. The chapter then provides a comparative analysis of all three “how-to” books, revealing how an identical market rationality undergirds all three—despite being authored by women who identify with opposing political camps. It thus highlights how neoliberal rationality’s colonization of more domains of our lives has undone conceptual and political boundaries constitutive of liberalism and liberal thought.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-27
Author(s):  
Alex Middleton

William Rathbone Greg's name is well known to historians of nineteenth-century Britain, but the content of his political thought is not. This article, based on a comprehensive reading of Greg's prolific published output, has two aims. The first is to pin down his politics. The article positions Greg as a leading spokesman for the rationalistic, antidemocratic strand of mid-Victorian Liberalism. It argues that his thought centered on the idea that politics was a science, and that scientific statesmanship might solve many of the problems of the age. The article's second aim is to show that Greg was a sophisticated thinker on politics overseas. He developed distinctive arguments about the structures of European politics, and especially about France under the Second Empire (1852–70). Greg's writings cast important light on the connections between abstract, domestic, and European issues in less familiar reaches of Liberal thought, and on how Victorian political science grappled with Continental despotism.


Philosophy ◽  
1974 ◽  
Vol 49 (187) ◽  
pp. 13-32 ◽  
Author(s):  
H. J. McCloskey

Liberalism is commonly believed, especially by its exponents, to be opposed to interference by way of enforcing value judgments or concerning itself with the individual's morality. My concern is to show that this is not so and that liberalism is all the better for this. Many elements have contributed to liberal thought as we know it today, the major elements being the liberalism of which Locke is the most celebrated exponent, which is based upon a belief in natural, human rights; the liberalism of which Kant is the best known exponent, which is based on respect for persons as ends in themselves; and the liberalism of Bentham and the Mills, which is based upon utilitarian ethical theories and most especially with concern for pleasure and the reduction of pain. These different elements of liberalism have led to different emphases and different political and social arrangements, but all have involved a concern to safeguard values and to use force to that end. Today they constitute strands of thought which go to make up liberal thought as we now know it, hence it is not simply a historical fact about liberalism, but a fact about its philosophical basis, that liberalism is firmly involved in certain value and moral commitments. In the remainder of this paper I shall seek to bring this out.


2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 227-245 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emile Badarin

This article explores the theoretical bases of the Israel-Palestine peace process to see how that impacts peacebuilding and everyday life in Palestine. It begins by examining the lens through which classical and contemporary realist and liberal thought approaches peace, nonpeace, war, and peacebuilding. Second, it examines how knowledge production on peacebuilding has been applied in the Israel-Palestine peace process based on selected confidential documents from the negotiations’ record that was made available in the so-called Palestine Papers published by the Al Jazeera Transparency Unit in 2011. My analysis of this source reveals how an embedded security and market metaphor regulated the Israel-Palestine peace negotiations. I argue that in an ambiguous context of decades-long negotiations, the results are in effect a “buyout” in which security is understood in exclusionary terms by the powerful side.


2018 ◽  
Vol 44 (5) ◽  
pp. 829-847 ◽  
Author(s):  
Minda Holm ◽  
Ole Jacob Sending

AbstractThe symbolic structure of the international system, organised around sovereignty, is sustained by an institutional infrastructure that shapes how states seek sovereign agency. We investigate how the modern legal category of the state is an institutional expression of the idea of the state as a liberal person, dependent on a one-off recognition in establishing the sovereign state. We then discuss how this institutional rule coexists with the ongoing frustrated search for recognition in terms of sociopolitical registers. While the first set of rules establishes a protective shield against others, regardless of behaviour, the second set of rules specify rules for behaviour of statehood, which produces a distinct form of misrecognition. States are, at one level, already recognised as sovereign and are granted rights akin to individuals in liberal thought, and yet they are continually misrecognised in their quest to actualise the sovereign agency they associate with statehood. We draw on examples from two contemporary phenomena – fragile states, and assertions of non-interference and sovereignty from the populist right and non-Western great powers, to discuss the misrecognition processes embedded in the bifurcated symbolic structure of sovereignty, and its implications for debates about hierarchy and sovereignty in world affairs.


2013 ◽  
Vol 107 (1) ◽  
pp. 123-138 ◽  
Author(s):  
JEFFREY EDWARD GREEN

This article aims to correct the widespread imbalance in contemporary liberal thought, which makes explicit appeal to the “least advantaged” without parallel attention to the “most advantaged” as a distinct group in need of regulatory attention. Rawls's influential theory of justice is perhaps the paradigmatic instance of this imbalance, but I show how a Rawlsian framework nonetheless provides three justifications for why implementers of liberal justice—above all, legislators—should regulate the economic prospects of a polity's richest citizens: as a heuristic device for ensuring that a system of inequalities not reach a level at which inequalities cease being mutually advantageous, as protection against excessive inequalities threatening civic liberty, and as redress for a liberal society's inability to fully realize fair equality of opportunity with regard to education and politics. Against the objection that such arguments amount to a defense of envy, insofar as they support policies that in certain instances impose economic costs on the most advantaged with negative or neutral economic impact on the rest of society, I attend to Rawls's often overlooked distinction between irrational and reasonable forms of envy, showing that any envy involved in the proposed regulation of the most advantaged falls within this latter category.


1996 ◽  
Vol 58 (4) ◽  
pp. 699-734 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gus diZerega

Liberalism and Deep Ecology are usually regarded as mutually exclusive. However, the “evolutionary” tradition of liberal thought, rooted in David Hume and Adam Smith, and including Michael Polanyi and F. A. Hayek, provides a foundation for their reconciliation. Linkage is through Hume and Smith's conception of sympathy, which today means empathy. For Hume, sympathy extends into the animal realm. Sympathy is essential for certain scientific work, and provides an foundation for both liberal and ecological ethics. Deep ecologists such as Arne Naess use the same concept. Linkage is first to biocentric ethics, and then, through examining natural beauty and, via Michael Polanyi's tacit knowledge, ecocentric ethics. The work of Hayek suggests how modern society might be harmonized with the requirements of nature. This deepens J. Baird Callicott's pioneering approach, uniting it with Lewis Hinchman's recent analysis. Liberalism's and Deep Ecology's foundations both benefit from their mutual integration.


2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-84 ◽  
Author(s):  
GIANNA ENGLERT

As part of Benjamin Constant's academic “revival,” scholars have revisited the political and religious elements of his thought, but conclude that he remained uninterested in the nineteenth century's major social and economic questions. This article examines Constant's response to what would later become known as “the social question” in his Commentary on Filangieri's Work, and argues that his claims about poverty and its alleviation highlight central elements of his political liberalism, especially on the practice of citizenship in the modern age. By interpreting social issues through his original political lens of “usurpation,” Constant encouraged skepticism of social legislation and identified the political implications of a “disinherited” poor class. The lens of usurpation ultimately limited the scope of Constant's solutions to poverty. But his attention to social and economic issues prompts us to reexamine the category of “the social” and its uses in the history of liberal thought, particularly the place of class concerns in the French liberal tradition.


2016 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 109
Author(s):  
Saifuddin Saifuddin

A religious reaction against modernity has opened our eyes, that an argumentation in the thought zone at the end enters the empiric zone. As a result is a horizontal conflct that meets a fundamentalist and radical islamic group facing a tolerant Islamic group and has liberal thought. Islamic liberalism indeed is not always identical with the western liberalism, but has a strong tradition in islamic world. The root of thought which becomes an argument in islamic world apparently is too close in santry those who get traditional and old-fashioned stereo type all this time. Pesantren has a strenght in overcoming the modernisation crash by the high of adaptive, tolerant and humanis character level, which can be chategorized as an islamic liberal. It is obviously that the thought character comes from the islamic teaching with rahmatan lil alamin character. This study shows the positive response shown by shalafih madrasah toward modernity, also the ability to assert self identity at once as pesantren’s heir in the middle of the crowded of consumtive culture. Inside the resource owned by shalafih madrasah, this study fids the root of religious liberalism thought which is represented by the deep religious science, passion and desire they have to develop sience. And a point should be highlighted here is not seeing a social problem from a black and white view.


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