How sovereignty matters: international markets and the political economy of local politics in weak states

Author(s):  
William Reno
2017 ◽  
Vol 237 (3) ◽  
pp. 191-224 ◽  
Author(s):  
Monika Banaszewska ◽  
Ivo Bischoff

Abstract We provide an empirical study analysing the distribution of EU funds among 2478 Polish municipalities in the period 2007–2011. EU funds are found to be concentrated in smaller municipalities and economically weak sub-regions, and do not increase in the municipalities’ fiscal capacity. Our primary focus rests on the question whether regional governments follow their own political self-interest when allocating EU funds even though national parties only play a minor role in Polish local politics and thus the conventional logic of supporting aligned governments does not apply. Difference-in-difference estimations show that the answer is affirmative: Municipalities whose voters are aligned with the regional government receive more EU funds per capita than non-aligned municipalities. Furthermore, we find support for the swing-district hypothesis: EU funds per capita decrease in the vote-share differential between the two leading parties.


1999 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 77-88 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dana Cuff

Globalization, while extensively theorized and empirically studied by economic geographers, has yet to be seriously investigated in architecture. There are multiple forms of architectural practice in the United States and some significant changes are under way. In addition the local politics of urban architecture discloses a counterweight to balance globalism's homogenizing tendencies. This paper proposes strategies for a more experimental architecture that partakes of the global-local dialectic.


2011 ◽  
Vol 42 (3) ◽  
pp. 376-404 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrick Meehan

The mainstream discourse on the political economy of drugs has emphasised the negative correlation between drug production and state capacity, with the presence of a thriving drugs trade seen as both a sign and a cause of weak states. Through an analysis of the drugs trade in Burma this study argues that such an approach is deeply flawed. Focusing on the period since the 1988 protests it argues that the illicit nature of the drugs trade has provided the state with an array of incentives (legal impunity, protection, money laundering) and threats (of prosecution) with which to co-opt and coerce insurgent groups over which it has otherwise commanded little authority. Although the state's involvement in the drugs trade was initially driven by an expedient desire to co-opt insurgent groups following the 1988 protests, this study also argues that over time it has provided an arena in which more immanent and largely unanticipated processes of state formation, namely the centralisation of the means of violence and extraction, have gradually been built. Rather than being a sign of corruption-induced state incapacity, the state's involvement in the drugs trade has thus become a central arena through which state power has been constructed and reproduced.


2019 ◽  
Vol 38 (78) ◽  
pp. 671-700
Author(s):  
Leopoldo Fergusson

I propose three broad sets of political economy underpinnings for the persistence of conflict and the weak state. First, a “public goods trap” rooted in inequality implies that a low supply of, and demand for, public goods reinforce each other. Second, economic and political rents create vested interests in the status quo. Political rents are particularly problematic, partly because reformers face a curse of dimensionality: many things have to work well for state capacity and stable peace to consolidate. Finally, a very clientelistic pattern of political exchange consolidates a weak state, and weak states are fertile ground for clientelism.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph Kofi Teye ◽  
Ebenezer Nikoi

The cocoa sector has, historically, been the backbone of the Ghanaian economy. Many households depend directly on the cocoa sector for livelihoods, and aspects of the cocoa industry, such as input supplies to farmers and cocoa pricing, have historically featured prominently in national and local politics. This paper examines the basic underlying political economy dynamics of the cocoa value chain, with particular focus on how the interests, powers and interactions of various actors along the value chain have contributed to agricultural commercialisation in Ghana. The paper also explores the challenges affecting the cocoa value chain, social difference within the chain, and how various segments of the cocoa value chain have been affected by the COVID-19 pandemic in Ghana since March 2020.


Author(s):  
Kate J. Neville

This book explores how and why controversies over liquid biofuels (bioethanol and biodiesel) and hydraulic fracturing (“fracking”) unfolded in surprisingly similar ways in the Global North and South. In the early 2000s the search was on for fuels that would reduce greenhouse gas emissions, spur economic development in rural regions, and diversify national energy supplies. Biofuels and fracking took center stage as promising commodities and technologies. But controversy quickly erupted. Global enthusiasm for these fuels and the widespread projections for their production around the world collided with local politics. Rural and remote places, such as coastal east Africa and Canada’s Yukon territory, became hotbeds of contention in these new energy politics. Opponents of biofuels in Kenya and of fracking in the Yukon activated specific identities, embraced scale shifts across transnational networks, brokered relationships between disparate communities and interests, and engaged in contentious performances with symbolic resonance. To explain these convergent dynamics of contention and resistance, the book argues that the emergence of grievances and the mechanisms of mobilization that are used to resist new fuel technologies depend less on the type of energy developed than on intersecting elements of the political economy of energy—specifically finance, ownership, and trade relations. Taken together, the intersecting elements of the political economy of energy shape patterns of resistance in new energy frontiers.


2013 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-18 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gilberto Carvalho Oliveira

Relying on the literature on the political economy of new wars, this article aims to challenge the policy articulation of Somali piracy through the security–development nexus in recent resolutions of the UN Security Council. The article’s central argument is that the UN Security Council’s assumption that the political economy of piracy can be transformed by external top-down intervention based on a formulaic security–development nexus seems to be bound to fail for two main reasons: First, the ‘nexus’ is based on a virtual liberal state-building project in Somalia that is disconnected from the local context involving piracy; second, the ‘nexus’ works as a securitized dispositif, hence prioritizing security goals over social changes. Therefore, instead of the liberal peace recipe proposed by the Security Council as remedy for everything, including piracy, the article suggests a critical transformative approach, centred in actually existing forms of local politics and governance in areas affected by piracy, where the articulation between security and development can be made in a more balanced and nuanced way, taking into account the concrete needs of protection and development of people dependent on piracy.


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