Modes of coordination of collective action: what actors in policy-making?

Author(s):  
Diani M.
Author(s):  
Ian Bache ◽  
Simon Bulmer ◽  
Stephen George ◽  
Owen Parker

This chapter brings together what have usually been presented as separate ‘consequences’ of European integration: Europeanization effects and challenges to democracy. It first considers the meanings of ‘Europeanization’ and uses of Europeanization before discussing the development of Europeanization studies that relate specifically to the European Union, along with the new institutionalisms in Europeanization research. It also examines the issue of legitimacy and the notion of ‘democratic deficit’. The chapter shows how the process of Europeanization can challenge domestic democratic structures and processes by transferring responsibilities and obscuring lines of accountability. It suggests that Europeanization may also add to the so-called ‘output democracy’ by increasing the policy-making capacities of governments through collective action.


2006 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 229-252 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Druckman

AbstractThe impact of group attachments on negotiating behavior is a theme (or variable) that runs through many articles published in International Negotiation. It is also a popular topic for research on groups reported in other outlets. This literature set in motion the analytical probe discussed in this article. Focusing attention primarily on ingroup-favoring biases, four questions are asked: What is the phenomenon? Why does it occur? How can it be reduced? Where is it manifest in a larger policy context within which negotiations take place? Highlighted in this essay are the prevalence of the bias, the variety of plausible explanations for its occurrence, the distinction between patriotic and nationalistic group attachments, and the connections between group loyalty, policy making, and collective action. The insights achieved also reveal a number of areas for further research. This topic is one example of the many research accomplishments that herald the birth and maturity of a field of study and practice. In this special issue, we take pause to document these accomplishments as we look forward to another decade of progress.


2018 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 317-341 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nives Dolšak ◽  
Aseem Prakash

Climate action has two pillars: mitigation and adaptation. Mitigation faces collective action issues because its costs are focused on specific locations/actors but benefits are global and nonexcludable. Adaptation, in contrast, creates local benefits, and therefore should face fewer collective action issues. However, governance units vary in the types of adaptation policies they adopt. To explain this variation, we suggest conceptualizing adaptation-as-politics because adaptation speaks to the issues of power, conflicting policy preferences, resource allocation, and administrative tensions. In examining who develops and implements adaptation, we explore whether adaptation is the old wine of disaster management in the new bottle of climate policy, and the tensions between national and local policy making. In exploring what adaptation policies are adopted, we discuss maladaptation and the distinction between hard and soft infrastructure. Finally, we examine why politicians favor visible, hard adaptation over soft adaptation, and how international influences shape local policy.


2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (4) ◽  
pp. 4-27
Author(s):  
Michaël Aklin ◽  
Matto Mildenberger

Climate change policy is generally modeled as a global collective action problem structured by free-riding concerns. Drawing on quantitative data, archival work, and elite interviews, we review empirical support for this model and find that the evidence for its claims is weak relative to the theory’s pervasive influence. We find, first, that the strongest collective action claims appear empirically unsubstantiated in many important climate politics cases. Second, collective action claims—whether in their strongest or in more nuanced versions—appear observationally equivalent to alternative theories focused on distributive conflict within countries. We argue that extant patterns of climate policy making can be explained without invoking free-riding. Governments implement climate policies regardless of what other countries do, and they do so whether a climate treaty dealing with free-riding has been in place or not. Without an empirically grounded model for global climate policy making, institutional and political responses to climate change may ineffectively target the wrong policy-making dilemma. We urge scholars to redouble their efforts to analyze the empirical linkages between domestic and international factors shaping climate policy making in an effort to empirically ground theories of global climate politics. Such analysis is, in turn, the topic of this issue’s special section.


1993 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 579-607 ◽  
Author(s):  
SIDNEY TARROW

Extraordinary policy-making may be triggered by critical elections and political crises, but it may also be related to major waves of collective action, especially when all three of these—as in France in 1968—are present. But protest is seldom sufficient on its own to effectuate major reforms; as the case of the French Loi d'Orientation for higher education shows, it requires a reformist faction in the elite ready to take advantage of the political opportunities offered by protest. Even then, as the same case shows, the effects of protest are quickly dissipated and the season for protest-induced reformism is short. Protest cycles or other crises are best seen as necessary, but not sufficient conditions for extraordinary policy-making.


1970 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
John Wanna

New Zealand business associations have responded to adverse economic pressures through organisational centralisation, increased representational activity and by assuming a greater involvement in policy formation. Such responses from the collective organisations of business have been evident without any concomitant undertaking from business to participate in corporatist modes of policy-making. This article traces these centralist tendencies and examines the reasons for the changing forms of policy input. While some collective action theorists have contended that business organisation is incidental to the power of business, this study suggests that a revaluation of such claims is necessary. This article examines the conditions under which collective organisation of business is important.


1995 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-60 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Garner

AbstractThis article seeks to provide a research agenda for the study of animal protection politics. It looks firstly at the animal protection movement's organization and maintenance in the context of Olson's theory of collective action. While existing research suggests that activists tend to be recruited because of the purposive and expressive benefits they offer rather than the material ones emphasized by Olson, these alternative forms of selective incentives can hinder the achievement of the movement's goals. Secondly, the article outlines alternative models of policy-making and shows how they might be operationalized to explain the development of animal welfare policy-making in Britain and the United States. Preliminary observations suggest thatBritain's animal welfare record is more substantial because policy communities have been able to manage and limit change through concessions and cooptation. No such mechanism is available in the American political system where the greater openness and fragmentation often results in severe confrontation and ultimately, stalemate.


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