scholarly journals The Career Length and Service of Female Policymakers in the US House of Representatives

2016 ◽  
Vol 53 (3) ◽  
pp. 437-460 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rodrigo Praino ◽  
Daniel Stockemer
Keyword(s):  
Gender Gap ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Careers ◽  
Men And Women ◽  
Representation Of Women ◽  
Career Length ◽  
The Us ◽  
Using Data

Various studies have outlined the institutional (e.g. the existence of quota laws and the electoral system type of a country) and non-institutional factors (e.g. the political culture of a country) that account for variation in women’s representation, in general, and, in more detail, the low representation of women in the US Congress. However, no study has, so far, compared the Congressional career paths of men and women in order to understand whether this gender gap in representation stems from a difference in terms of the duration and importance of the careers of male and female policymakers. Using data on all US House elections between 1972 and 2012, we provide such an analysis, evaluating whether or not the political careers of women in the US House of Representatives are different from the political careers of their male counterparts. Our findings indicate that the congressional careers of men and women are alike and, if anything, women may even have a small edge over their male colleagues.

scholarly journals Studi Komunikasi Politik Legislator Perempuan Di DPRD Provinsi NTB

2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Hartin Nur Khusnia ◽  
Muhlis Muhlis ◽  
Tenri Waru
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Communication ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
External Factors ◽  
The Political ◽  
Men And Women ◽  
Representation Of Women ◽  
Female Politicians ◽  
Female Legislators ◽  
Internal And External Factors

Equality of rights and obligations between men and women has been textually stated and guaranteed by various regulations, both at international, national and local levels. However, this guarantee does not necessarily guarantee equality between men and women to actively participate in practical politics. The fact that the representation of women in legislator of the West Nusa Tenggara Province is still low, which a total of 65 members of the Regional House of West Nusa Tenggara Province Representatives for the 2014-2016 periode 6 female legislators and 59 male legislators. The object of this research study is the political communication of women's legislators in the Regional House of Representatives of West Nusa Tenggara Province. The results of interviews with research informants can be concluded that the political communication of female legislators in the Regional House of Representatives of West Nusa Tenggara Province runs effectively because it is influenced by internal and external factors. Internal factors are the personal abilities of female politicians in building positive self-concepts. While external factors are participatory political culture in both the legislative and political parties where politicians take shelter. Political communication activities carried out by women's legislators aim to influence political policy, especially policies related to women's empowerment in West Nusa Tenggara. And aims to establish the self-image of politicians and institutions, both political parties or legislative bodies.Keywords: Political Communication, Women's Legislators, the Regional House of Representatives of West Nusa Tenggara Province

scholarly journals Are Women Really Less Competitive Than Men? Career Duration in Nordic and Alpine Skiing

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bernd Frick ◽  
Katharina Moser
Keyword(s):  
Labor Markets ◽  
Competitive Environment ◽  
Alpine Skiing ◽  
Random Assignment ◽  
Men And Women ◽  
Corporate Executives ◽  
Career Length ◽  
Self Selection ◽  
Using Data ◽  
Nordic Skiing

Do women shy away from competition while men compete too much? The available, mostly experimental evidence generally supports these assumptions. However, in contrast to laboratory settings, labor markets do not have random assignment of workers. Instead, individuals—professional athletes and corporate executives—self-select into specific occupations. Using data from Alpine and Nordic skiing over 52 and 37 years respectively, we show that career length of men and women is virtually identical. Thus, when adequately controlling for self-selection into a highly competitive environment, differences between men and women with respect to competitiveness completely disappear.

Loyalty and Disloyalty in the Mexican Party System

2014 ◽  
Vol 56 (03) ◽  
pp. 93-117 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yann P. Kerevel
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Transition ◽  
Party System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Party Affiliation ◽  
Political Careers ◽  
Seeking Behavior ◽  
Party Switching ◽  
Using Data

AbstractWhy do politicians in Mexico switch parties? The party-switching literature suggests that politicians generally switch parties for office-seeking or policy-seeking motives, whereas literature on the Mexican party system suggests that switching may be related to party system realignment during the democratic transition. Using data on party switching across the political careers of politicians who served as federal deputies between 1997 and 2009, this study argues that party switching in Mexico can primarily be explained by the office-seeking behavior of ambitious politicians. Only in rare instances do politicians switch parties because of policy disagreements, and party system realignment fails to explain a large number of party switches. This article also suggests that the ban on consecutive re-election encourages party switching; after every term in office, Mexican politicians have the opportunity to re-evaluate their party affiliation to continue their careers.

It Takes a State: A Policy Feedback Model of Women's Political Representation

2010 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-91 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eileen McDonagh
Keyword(s):  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
The United States ◽  
Policy Feedback ◽  
Equal Rights ◽  
Representation Of Women ◽  
Feedback Model ◽  
The Us ◽  
Political Office ◽  
The Public Sphere

American women attain more professional success in medicine, business, and higher education than do most of their counterparts around the world. An enduring puzzle is, therefore, why the US lags so far behind other countries when it comes to women's political representation. In 2008, women held only 16.8 percent of seats in the House of Representatives, a proportion that ranks America lower than 83 other countries. This article addresses this conundrum. It establishes that equal rights alone are insufficient to ensure equal access to political office. Also necessary are public policies representing maternal traits that voters associate with women. Such policies have feedback effects that teach voters that the maternal traits attributed to women represent strengths not only in the private sphere of the home but also in the public sphere of the state. Most other democracies now have such policies in place, but the United States lacks such policies, which accounts for its laggard status with regard to the political representation of women.

scholarly journals The gender gap in political interest revisited

2019 ◽  
Vol 41 (4) ◽  
pp. 473-489 ◽  
Author(s):  
Monica Ferrín ◽  
Marta Fraile ◽  
Gema M García-Albacete ◽  
Raul Gómez
Keyword(s):  
Gender Gap ◽  
Online Survey ◽  
Political Interest ◽  
The Political ◽  
Dominant Male ◽  
Men And Women ◽  
Unique Data ◽  
Political Interests ◽  
Specific Interests

To what extent does conventional survey measurement capture the political interest of men and women equally well? We aim to answer this question by relying on unique data from a national online survey in Spain, where we used various questions unpacking the standard indicator of political interest. The findings show that men and women nominate different personal political interests. We also find that the gender gap in political interest vanishes once these specific interests are taken into account. This suggests that at least part of the documented gender gap in general political interest might be due to the fact that, when prompted to think about politics, women disregard their own specific political interests and instead focus on the dominant, male-oriented understanding of politics.

Donald Trump, Nationalization, and the 2018 Midterm Elections

The Forum ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 495-513 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jamie L. Carson ◽  
Aaron A. Hitefield
Keyword(s):  
National Economy ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Primary Elections ◽  
Midterm Results ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
Representation Of Women ◽  
Depth Analysis ◽  
Midterm Elections ◽  
The Us

Abstract The 2018 midterm elections resulted in record levels of turnout, campaign funding, and the representation of women and minorities in Congress. Moreover, Democrats regained control of the US House of Representatives while Republicans shored up their minimal majority in the Senate. What made such a historic outcome possible? This article examines the candidates, expectations, outcomes, and implications of the 2018 midterm elections. In doing so, it offers an analysis into the primary elections, suggesting that the 2018 midterm results in the House were largely a result of successful nominations of quality Democratic candidates who were able to capitalize on the unpopularity of President Donald Trump despite an otherwise strong national economy. It closes with an in-depth analysis into the implications of the 2018 midterm election on both the incoming 116th Congress as well as the upcoming 2020 Presidential election.

Dynamics of Cosponsorship

1996 ◽  
Vol 90 (3) ◽  
pp. 555-566 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Kessler ◽  
Keith Krehbiel
Keyword(s):  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Median Voter ◽  
Low Cost ◽  
The Political ◽  
Legislative Politics ◽  
Signaling Games ◽  
Electoral Connection ◽  
Using Data ◽  
Political Spectrum ◽  
Bill Cosponsorship

Electoral-connection theories of legislative politics view bill cosponsorship as low-cost position taking by rational legislators who communicate with target audiences (e.g., constituents) external to the legislature. Legislative signaling games suggest a view of bill cosponsorship in which early cosponsors attempt to communicate to target audiences (e.g., the median voter) within the legislature. Using data from the 103rd U.S. House of Representatives, we show that the timing of legislators' cosponsorship decisions are more supportive of cosponsorship as intralegislative signaling than as extralegislative position taking. First, policy extremists on both sides of the political spectrum are more likely than moderates to be initial endorsers of legislative initiatives. Second, extremist-moderate differences diminish over the course of bill histories.

Gender and Voting Preferences in Japanese Lower House Elections

2003 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-39
Author(s):  
GILL STEEL
Keyword(s):  
Gender Gap ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Liberal Democratic Party ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
Lower House ◽  
Standards Of Living ◽  
Voter Choice ◽  
Gender Based ◽  
Using Data

This paper analyzes voter choice in selected House of Representatives elections during the past 30 years. I estimate multinomial probit models using data from the Akarui Senkyo Suishin Kyokai (Society for the Promotion of Clean Elections) surveys and use qualitative data gathered in focus groups. I argue that no gender gap exists in the votes garnered by the main parties because, first, influential people are not simply able to ‘deliver’ votes from their networks — most accounts of voter choice fail to discuss gender, an oversight considering that most networks are gender-based — and, second, ‘women's issues’ have no special relevance to women in their vote choice. Instead, women and men vote for the Liberal Democratic Party because they associate the Party with stability and increased standards of living, including substantial social provisions.

scholarly journals Electoral Rules and Politicians' Behavior: A Micro Test

2011 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 144-174 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stefano Gagliarducci ◽  
Tommaso Nannicini ◽  
Paolo Naticchioni
Keyword(s):  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Proportional Representation ◽  
Electoral Rules ◽  
Using Data

Theory predicts that the majoritarian electoral system should produce more targeted redistribution and lower rents than proportional representation. We test these predictions using data on the Italian House of Representatives, and address the nonrandom selection into different systems exploiting one feature of the two-tier elections between 1994–2001: candidates could run for both the majoritarian and proportional tier, but if they won in both they had to accept the majoritarian seat. Focusing on elections decided by a narrow margin, we find that majoritarian representatives put forward more bills targeted at their constituency and show lower absenteeism rates than their proportional colleagues. (JEL D72)

scholarly journals Party Control as a Context for Homophily in Collaborations among US House Representatives, 1981 -- 2015

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zachary Neal ◽  
Rachel Domagalski ◽  
Xiaoqin Yan
Keyword(s):  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Regression Models ◽  
Collaboration Networks ◽  
Cross Sectional ◽  
Logistic Regression Models ◽  
Representation Of Women ◽  
New Methods ◽  
Party Control ◽  
The Us ◽  
And Gender

Effective lawmaking requires collaboration among legislators, who form coalitions to advance their legislative agendas. In the US House of Representatives, these collaborations develop in a context of shifting political party control. In this paper we explore how legislators' party and gender identities simultaneously influence whom they choose as collaborators by examining differential party and gender homophily during a period of shifting party control and increasing representation of women. We introduce new methods for inferring legislative collaboration networks from bill co-sponsorship data, then estimate cross-sectional logistic regression models on these networks from 1981 -- 2015. We find evidence of differential homophily by both party and gender: Republicans and women tend to prefer same-party and same-gender political collaborators more than Democrats and men. However, party homophily (i.e. partisanship) is stronger than gender homophily, suggesting that party is a more salient identity for legislators than gender.

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