scholarly journals Studi Komunikasi Politik Legislator Perempuan Di DPRD Provinsi NTB

Author(s):  
Hartin Nur Khusnia ◽  
Muhlis Muhlis ◽  
Tenri Waru

Equality of rights and obligations between men and women has been textually stated and guaranteed by various regulations, both at international, national and local levels. However, this guarantee does not necessarily guarantee equality between men and women to actively participate in practical politics. The fact that the representation of women in legislator of the West Nusa Tenggara Province is still low, which a total of 65 members of the Regional House of West Nusa Tenggara Province Representatives for the 2014-2016 periode 6 female legislators and 59 male legislators. The object of this research study is the political communication of women's legislators in the Regional House of Representatives of West Nusa Tenggara Province. The results of interviews with research informants can be concluded that the political communication of female legislators in the Regional House of Representatives of West Nusa Tenggara Province runs effectively because it is influenced by internal and external factors. Internal factors are the personal abilities of female politicians in building positive self-concepts. While external factors are participatory political culture in both the legislative and political parties where politicians take shelter. Political communication activities carried out by women's legislators aim to influence political policy, especially policies related to women's empowerment in West Nusa Tenggara. And aims to establish the self-image of politicians and institutions, both political parties or legislative bodies.Keywords: Political Communication, Women's Legislators, the Regional House of Representatives of West Nusa Tenggara Province

2016 ◽  
Vol 53 (3) ◽  
pp. 437-460 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rodrigo Praino ◽  
Daniel Stockemer

Various studies have outlined the institutional (e.g. the existence of quota laws and the electoral system type of a country) and non-institutional factors (e.g. the political culture of a country) that account for variation in women’s representation, in general, and, in more detail, the low representation of women in the US Congress. However, no study has, so far, compared the Congressional career paths of men and women in order to understand whether this gender gap in representation stems from a difference in terms of the duration and importance of the careers of male and female policymakers. Using data on all US House elections between 1972 and 2012, we provide such an analysis, evaluating whether or not the political careers of women in the US House of Representatives are different from the political careers of their male counterparts. Our findings indicate that the congressional careers of men and women are alike and, if anything, women may even have a small edge over their male colleagues.


2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 215
Author(s):  
I Nyoman Sukiada

Representation of women in Jembrana Regency Legislative Institution in 2009 election reached 20%. Although it has not reached 30% in accordance with the mandate of Law No. 10 of 2008, the representation of women in the Legislative Institution of Jembrana Regency is the highest among the regencies/cities in Bali. When closely examined, the participation of women in the political sphere has deconstructed itself due to a struggle of power and mobilization. Automatically the law that sets the quota of women’s involvement in practical politics is 30%, especially those si ing in the legislative institution can signal a practice of mobilization. Within certain limits, the process of mobilization appears in the election of women legislators, because women are not really interested in practical politics, but are mobilized by the state, political parties and by the closest people such as husbands. The paper aims to explain the election of female legislators in Jembrana Regency Legislative Institution which indicates that there has been a struggle of power between participation and mobilization.


2016 ◽  
Vol 45 (3) ◽  
pp. 40-51 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amal Jamal

This essay analyzes the political motivations behind the Jewish Nation-State Bill introduced in the Knesset in November 2014, shedding light on the ascendancy of the Israeli political establishment's radical right wing. It argues that there were both internal and external factors at work and that it is only by examining these thoroughly that the magnitude of the racist agenda currently being promoted can be grasped. The essay also discusses the proposed legislation's long history and the implications of this effort to constitutionalize what amounts to majoritarian despotism in present-day Israel.


2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (19) ◽  
Author(s):  
Silverio Tamez Garza ◽  
Adriana Verónica Hinojosa Cruz ◽  
Carlos Augusto Jiménez Zárate

Abstract. In this paper we analyze how much influence the political party with the largest nationwide (Partido Revolucionario Institucional: PRI) in the Congress, specifically the House of Representatives, in the distribution of the Funds of Branch 23: Paving Fund and Sports Spaces for Municipalities, for the year 2010 which is when this fund was created and for the year 2011. The results of our analysis were that there is a positive impact in the influence ofthe political party with the largest presence in the Chamber of Deputies in the allocation of resources to those municipalities that are governed by mayors from the PRI.Keywords: municipalities, paving and spaces fund goods, political parties, populationResumen. En el presente artículo se analiza la influencia que puede presentar laconfiguración de la Cámara de Diputados con una mayoría por partido en la asignación de recursos hacia las entidades federativas y municipios. Se tomó el caso del Fondo de Pavimentación y Espacios Deportivos para Municipios comparando la distribución en el año de su creación (2010) cuando no se emitieron reglas para su acceso con el siguiente año (2011) tomando en cuenta nuevos criterios. El resultado que nos arroja nuestro análisis es que existe una incidencia positiva en cuanto a la influencia política que se ejerce cuando unexiste mayoría en la representación partidista en la Cámara de Diputados.Palabras clave: fondo de pavimentación y espacios deportivos, municipios, partidos políticos, población


Author(s):  
I. V. Smirnova

Thanks to different mass media sources, members of any society are well aware of political developments and events and politicians. Every person has his or her own formed political beliefs and affirmations, interpreters other people's actions during political developments and evaluates events that take place. Political forces, in turn, see a person (a potential elector) as an object of external information influence. This lets them use political communication when competing for the power. In the modern democratic society this competition is carried out via parliamentarian debates, politicians' speeches, examining political parties' programs, political agitation and voting. General audience-oriented political discourse implements its function of political information influence. As the goal of any political party's program (as an independent form of text in the system of political discourse) is to win the elections and come to power, thus the audience influence function is one of the most fundamental and serve as the basis for the text. The text of a program itself is characterized by its persuasive orientation towards the audience, which reveal itself in such methods as convincing, argumentation, manipulation and evaluation. All the political programs pertain to parties which are at the power or which are in opposition. The main characteristic of oppositional programs is the criticism of the power, vice versa, the dominant party's programs confirm the correctness of their policy. All the political programs are multi-authored. The written form of any political program lets put into practice a detailed text analysis. This article presents the analysis of the texts of two leading Spanish political parties (the Spanish socialist worker's party and the people's party of Spain).


2018 ◽  
Vol 53 (8) ◽  
pp. 1251-1270 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rahman Dag

The Kurdish question has been one of the most protracted issues in the political history of Turkey. Given such a long securitization of the Kurdish question, it almost came to an end due to the peace process initiated by the AK Party government and the imprisoned leader of the PKK, Abdullah Öcalan in 2013. Apparently it was not a solid process because it failed immediately after the June 2015 general election. There may have been many internal and external factors explaining the reason why it failed but this paper looks specifically at one of them: the influence of the Syrian crisis on the peace process in Turkey in light of spillover effects and spreading insurgency theories.


Author(s):  
Samet Kavoğlu ◽  
Meryem Salar

The chapter addresses the implementation of “binding group decision” problematically. According to the study, this implementation is a restrictive issue for the discourses and actions of the members of the parliament who are assigned with the duty of representation of the nation and entitled with privileges within the context of freedom of expression. In this context, the legal legislation and bylaws of the political parties with groups in the Grand National Assembly of Turkey (TBMM) and internal regulations are analyzed within the context of restrictive provisions. Moreover, sample cases from 22nd and 24th legislative terms of the TBMM are examined within the context of political communication, freedom of expression, and ethics. This chapter grounds on a descriptive method based on historical events and legal texts. As a result of the study, it should be stressed that the implementation of “binding group decision” needs to be examined in terms of political ethics as a restrictive element for the freedom of expression and communication, despite being legal.


First Monday ◽  
2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Javier Bustos Díaz ◽  
Francisco Javier Ruiz del Olmo ◽  
Miguel Nazario Moreno Velasco

The regional elections in Catalonia held on 21 December 2017 received wide media coverage, far beyond Spanish media, due to separatist tension in that territory and was one of the main topics in most of the world’s media. Within this process social networks, especially Twitter, obtained crucial relevance given the interest aroused by the political leaders’ publications, since in those elections the debate transcended the usual ideological divisions of right and left and became a struggle between constitutionalists and separatists. This paper analyses the presence and influence of the main candidates of the Catalan political parties on Twitter. To achieve this, a mainly quantitative, mixed methodology based on big data was carried out where all the tweets issued by the candidates during the electoral campaign were analysed.


2012 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 375-397 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ofer Feldman ◽  
Peter Bull

Affiliative response invitations were analysed in 38 speeches delivered during the 2009 Japanese general election by 18 candidates for the House of Representatives (the lower house of the National Diet of Japan). The results clearly replicated those reported by Bull and Feldman (2011) in their analysis of the 2005 Japanese general election. Highly significant correlations were found between the two studies not only for the overall pattern of affiliative responses, but also for each type of response (applause, laughter and cheering). In both studies, over 70% of affiliative responses occurred in response to explicit invitations from the speaker. This contrasts with British political meetings, where applause occurs principally in response to implicit rhetorical devices. However, the candidates’ electoral success showed no significant correlations either with overall affiliative response rate, or with rates for applause, laughter or cheering. It is proposed that the prime function of affiliative response invitations at these meetings is not so much to win votes as to give the audience the opportunity to express their support both for the candidates and for the political parties they represent.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 55-65
Author(s):  
Firdha Umari ◽  
Sulih Indra Dewi

This study aimed to find out the political communication strategies of women legislative candidates and what obstacles faced by them. This study used qualitative method and to determine the informants it was wit purposive sampling. Data collection techniques were through interviews and documentation. This study interviewed four woman candidates from different political parties in Malang, and for the first joining a legislative elections. The results of the political communication stretegies were a door to door, approaching religious and structural leaders, used political consultant and had a lot of campaign team were proven to effective in Malang. The obstacles for the women in involving in politics were lack of money and political knowledge and also multiple roles as house wives and ploticians became their internal issue.


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