scholarly journals The gender gap in political interest revisited

2019 ◽  
Vol 41 (4) ◽  
pp. 473-489 ◽  
Author(s):  
Monica Ferrín ◽  
Marta Fraile ◽  
Gema M García-Albacete ◽  
Raul Gómez

To what extent does conventional survey measurement capture the political interest of men and women equally well? We aim to answer this question by relying on unique data from a national online survey in Spain, where we used various questions unpacking the standard indicator of political interest. The findings show that men and women nominate different personal political interests. We also find that the gender gap in political interest vanishes once these specific interests are taken into account. This suggests that at least part of the documented gender gap in general political interest might be due to the fact that, when prompted to think about politics, women disregard their own specific political interests and instead focus on the dominant, male-oriented understanding of politics.

2007 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 411-433 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alan Czaplicki

This article explains how pasteurization—with few outspoken political supporters during this period—first became a primary milk purification strategy in Chicago and why eight years passed between pasteurization’s initial introduction into law and the city’s adoption of full mandatory pasteurization. It expands the current focus on the political agreement to pasteurize to include the organizational processes involved in incorporating pasteurization into both policy and practice. It shows that the decision to pasteurize did not occur at a clearly defined point but instead evolved over time as a consequence of the interplay of political interest groups, state-municipal legal relations, and the merging of different organizational practices. Such an approach considerably complicates and expands existing accounts of how political interests and agreements shaped pasteurization and milk purification policies and practice.


2016 ◽  
Vol 53 (3) ◽  
pp. 437-460 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rodrigo Praino ◽  
Daniel Stockemer

Various studies have outlined the institutional (e.g. the existence of quota laws and the electoral system type of a country) and non-institutional factors (e.g. the political culture of a country) that account for variation in women’s representation, in general, and, in more detail, the low representation of women in the US Congress. However, no study has, so far, compared the Congressional career paths of men and women in order to understand whether this gender gap in representation stems from a difference in terms of the duration and importance of the careers of male and female policymakers. Using data on all US House elections between 1972 and 2012, we provide such an analysis, evaluating whether or not the political careers of women in the US House of Representatives are different from the political careers of their male counterparts. Our findings indicate that the congressional careers of men and women are alike and, if anything, women may even have a small edge over their male colleagues.


Author(s):  
María Juana López Medina ◽  
Francisco Pérez Martínez

Resumen: Este trabajo se centra en el munus de Julia ofrecido por su padre César, para ello se analiza la figura de Julia, como hija de César y esposa de Pompeyo, y el significado que tuvo su muerte. Su munus demuestra cómo los combates de gladiadores, que formaron parte de los rituales funerarios durante la República, son una expresión de la desigualdad social, no sólo en función de la clase a la que se pertenezca sino también en relación con el sexo, y cómo los munera son utilizados por los intereses políticos de la nobilitas, especialmente durante el siglo I a.C., como ocurre en este caso.Abstract: This paper analyzes the munus of Julia offered by her father Caesar. It consists in the study of the figure of Julia, as daughter of Caesar and wife of Pompey, and the meaning that had her death. Her munus proves how the combats of gladiators, which were part of funerary rituals during the Republic, are an expression of social inequality, not only in function of the class also in relation to the gender, and how the munera are used by the political interests of the nobilitas, especially during the first century BC, as in this case.Palabras clave: Munera gladiatoria, Roma, Julia, César, época republicana, rito funerario, desigualdad social, propaganda política.Key words: Munera gladiatoria, Rome, Julia, Caesar, Republic period, funeral rite, social inequality, political propaganda.


Africa ◽  
1976 ◽  
Vol 46 (4) ◽  
pp. 371-389 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christine Obbo

Opening ParagraphThe aim of the essay is to highlight gaps in existing knowledge of African women and bring to light new queries. The argument being presented is that African women assert their individuality by exploring the options available within their respective societies. While it is unsafe to generalize about Africa, the dominance of men in the public, especially the political and ritual spheres, is well illustrated by ethnographies on Africa. Women are on the whole invisible or shadowy figures except in a handful of ethnographies that take a woman's perspective (for example, Leith-Ross, 1939; Kaberry, 1952; and Paulme (ed.), 1963). The ideology of male dominance is taken for granted as representative of the true state of affairs between men and women in Africa. Whereas every researcher probably knows that ideologies are not realities, somehow that knowledge becomes insignificant when dealing with African societies.


2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-55 ◽  
Author(s):  
Toni Alexander Ihme ◽  
Markus Tausendpfund

AbstractOne of the best-known empirical findings in the political sciences is the gender difference in political knowledge: women show less political knowledge than men. Conventional research argues that this difference is mainly a product of socialization, structural factors, and biology. Our paper brings a new perspective to the explanation of the gender gap in political knowledge. Based on an online survey and an experiment1, we emphasize the relevance of gender stereotypes as a situational pressure that reduces the performance of women in a political knowledge test. Two conclusions emerge from the analysis: First, our results indicate the existence of a negative stereotype related to the political knowledge of women. Second, the activation of gender stereotypes affects performance on a political knowledge test. Consistent with previous research on stereotype threat, our results indicate that the performance of men on a political knowledge test is affected by gender stereotypes.


2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (01) ◽  
pp. 198-217 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jessica Robinson Preece

In a healthy democracy, one would expect to see roughly equal levels of political participation among men and women. Yet—aside from voting—women are significantly less politically engaged than men at both the mass and elite levels (Atkeson 2003; Bennett and Bennett 1989; Burns, Schlozman, and Verba 2001; Lawless and Fox 2010; Verba, Burns, and Schlozman 1997). The political engagement gender gap suggests that some form of “adverse selection” is at play in the system (Mansbridge 1999, 632). This takes many forms: women have traditionally had less access to resources, more burdensome family obligations, and fewer relevant role models. However, emerging research demonstrates that even when accounting for many of these factors, women remain less engaged with politics than similarly situated men. This suggests that changing these structural factors is not enough to close the gender gap in political engagement—we must address the “gendered psyche” that prevents many women from fully participating in civic life (Lawless and Fox 2010, 12).


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-25
Author(s):  
Mariana Ulfah ◽  
Amadou Barry

This paper aims to how Indonesian Leaders Forum (ILF) as a new talkshow program in Indonesia effort to increasing political interest of citizens. This research uses descriptive qualitative method with a case study of the ILF Program. By using descriptive method, the author can explain the background of the incident, some perspective on the event and analyze in depth. So the ILF can answer the public's concerns about the political situation in Indonesia today conclusion contains the main points of the article.


2018 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 348-369 ◽  
Author(s):  
Irene Sánchez-Vítores

Abstract In recent decades, differences between men and women have blurred in many social dimensions, including levels of educational attainment or access to the labor market. However, this increase in equality has not been reflected in a proportional reduction in the gender gap in political interest. This paper evaluates the extent of gender differences in political interest regarding different arenas, considering the moderating effect of marriage and caring for others using data from the Citizenship, Involvement, and Democracy Project. Although women generally find local politics more interesting than national politics, family, and caring responsibilities are still a source of disadvantage.


2017 ◽  
Vol 70 (4) ◽  
pp. 749-761 ◽  
Author(s):  
Heather L. Ondercin

I argue the gender gap is a function of men and women changing their partisanship as they seek the best representation of their gendered social identity from the political parties. Specifically, shifts in the parties due to party realignments and shifts in the composition of parties’ congressional delegations have provided individuals with a clearer signal on which to base their partisan attachments. Men and women have responded differently to these signals and developed different political identities over the past seventy years, resulting in the gender gap in partisanship. To test this theory, I have constructed an innovative macro-level dataset of men’s and women’s partisan attachments on a quarterly basis between 1950 and 2012. I use a Seemingly Unrelated Regression framework to estimate patterns of men’s and women’s Democratic macropartisanship and whether particular factors contribute to the gender gap by having different effects on men’s and women’s partisanship. The results are consistent with my theoretical expectations, highlighting how symbolic images shape partisan attachments, and demonstrate the gender gap is a function of changes in both men’s and women’s macropartisanship.


2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 249
Author(s):  
Anna Xheka

Women’s entrepreneurship is a powerful source, regarding to the women’s economic independence and empowerment, as well as regarding employment generation, economic growth and innovation, development and the reduction of poverty as well as one of the terms of gender equality. This poster presents the situation of women's entrepreneurship in Europe in comparative terms, with special focus in Albania. The paper has a descriptive nature. Describes three different plans in comparative terms; the representation of men and women in entrepreneurship, the representation of women in entrepreneurship in different countries of Europe and of Europe as a whole, as well as compare to gender quota. Through the processing of secondary data from various reports and studies, this poster concludes that although that the gender equality goal is the equal participation of men and women in all sectors, including the entrepreneurship, in this sector, gender gap it is still deep. Another significant comparative aspect, it is the difference between full and part –time women entrepreneurship. While in full time entrepreneurship in a convince way, men are those that dominate, in part time entrepreneurship clearly it’s evident the opposite trend, women's representation is much higher. It’s very interesting the fact, that the women’s entrepreneurship in Albania, presented in a significant optimistic situation, ranking in the second place, after Greece in the European level


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