MEDIA EXPOSURE AND REGIME SUPPORT UNDER COMPETITIVE AUTHORITARIANISM: EVIDENCE FROM SOUTH KOREA

2017 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 145-166 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joan E. Cho ◽  
Jae Seung Lee ◽  
B.K. Song
Keyword(s):  
Mass Media ◽  
South Korea ◽  
News Coverage ◽  
Media Exposure ◽  
Authoritarian Regimes ◽  
State Control ◽  
Government Control ◽  
South Korean ◽  
The Media ◽  
Regime Support

AbstractThis study explores whether and how exposure to mass media affects regime support in competitive authoritarian regimes. Using geographical and temporal variation in newspaper circulation and radio signal strength in South Korea under Park Chung Hee's competitive authoritarian rule (1961–1972), we find that greater exposure to media was correlated with more opposition to the authoritarian incumbent, but only when the government's control of the media was weaker. When state control of the media was stronger, the correlation between media exposure and regime support disappeared. Through a content analysis of newspaper articles, we also demonstrate that the regime's tighter media control is indeed associated with pro-regime bias in news coverage. These findings from the South Korean case suggest that the liberalizing effect of mass media in competitive authoritarian regimes is conditional on the extent of government control over the media.

scholarly journals SOUTH KOREAN LEADERS IN THE POLITICS OF DEMOCRATIZATION

2017 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 147-168
Author(s):  
Grażyna STRNAD
Keyword(s):  
Economic Development ◽  
South Korea ◽  
Cultural Heritage ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Leadership ◽  
Authoritarian Regimes ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
South Korean ◽  
Late Twentieth

This article aims to show the process of formation and operation (functioning) of the changing political system of South Korea. It is undertaken for the analysis of the process of the collapse of the former authoritarian political system and formation of South Korean democracy. Indicated in this article are the roles and participation of political leaders (Chun Doo Hwan, Roh Tae Woo, Kim Young Sam, and Kim Dae Jung) in the process of intense political change that took place in South Korea from the 1980s to the late twentieth century.During the authoritarian regimes of South Korea, the nation recorded spectacular economic development, but without political development. Political leadership in the democratization of the country was still authoritarian. Core values and attitudes of politicians pointed to the presence of the cultural heritage of Confucianism in politics.

A structural model for destination travel intention as a media exposure

2016 ◽  
Vol 28 (7) ◽  
pp. 1338-1360 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chulmo Koo ◽  
Youhee Joun ◽  
Heejeong Han ◽  
Namho Chung
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
New Media ◽  
South Korea ◽  
Structural Model ◽  
Media Exposure ◽  
Tourism Destination ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Cultural Exposure ◽  
The Media

Purpose This study aims to investigate the effects of a prospective traveler’s perception of media exposure on their intention to visit a destination (i.e. South Korea). Cultural exposure to a particular country through media affects people’s preference for that foreign country, and may ultimately be a function of the behavior for consuming that country’s cultural products – e.g. traveling to that country. Media exposure has been recognized as a major underlying reason for the desire to visit a destination. Design/methodology/approach This study examines the impacts of potential travelers’ media exposure in three different language-use groups (i.e. English, Japanese and Chinese) and their perception of the media exposure on their intention to visit the actual site (i.e. South Korea). To enhance the understanding of the intention to visit the destination, this study proposes a research model based on use and gratification theory and the belief–desire–intention model. Findings Mass and social media exposure had an effect on the intention to visit a destination as a result of the gratification and desire experienced through the content. Research limitations/implications This study suggests the synthesis of the use and gratification theory and the belief–desire–intention model and an examination of theoretical and practical implications. Originality/value This study involved a sample of users of destination marketing sites. In addition, this study investigated the users’ intentions to visit a real tourism destination taking into consideration mass media (traditional media) and social media (new media) based on the use of gratification theory and the belief–desire–intention model. Practically, the findings highlight the crucial role of social media in the intention to visit the tourism destination.

News Media Presentations of Electronic Cigarettes: A Content Analysis of News Coverage in South Korea

2017 ◽  
Vol 94 (2) ◽  
pp. 443-464 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sei-Hill Kim ◽  
James F. Thrasher ◽  
Myung-Hyun Kang ◽  
Yoo Jin Cho ◽  
Joon Kyoung Kim
Keyword(s):  
South Korea ◽  
News Media ◽  
Electronic Cigarettes ◽  
Television News ◽  
News Coverage ◽  
Policy Issue ◽  
News Stories ◽  
South Korean ◽  
Public Sentiment ◽  
Potential Benefits

Analyzing newspaper articles and television news transcripts, our study examines the quantity and the nature of electronic cigarette (e-cigarette) coverage in South Korea. In terms of the quantity, we found that news coverage of e-cigarettes significantly increased in the most recent 2 years (2014 and 2015). Our analysis of story topics indicated that South Korean news media were more likely to present e-cigarettes as a policy issue than a health issue, talking primarily about how to regulate this new product. When it comes to potential benefits and drawbacks of e-cigarettes, news coverage was unbalanced and more likely to talk about health risks than benefits. Overall, the tone of news stories was largely unfavorable, suggesting that public sentiment in South Korea has been rather negative than positive toward e-cigarette vaping. We also found that such journalistic practices as relying heavily on established routine sources and focusing on the stories that can attract larger audiences might have affected the way e-cigarettes were presented in the news.

Global Capital, Business Groups and State Coordination: the Changing Profile of Chaebol-State Relations in South Korea

2016 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Soyon Kim
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
South Korea ◽  
Developmental State ◽  
Government Control ◽  
South Korean ◽  
Financial Behaviour ◽  
State Coordination ◽  
Korean State ◽  
State Relations ◽  
Political Economic

This article examines the effects of global capitalism and state coordination on the financial behaviour of <em>chaebol</em> (business conglomerates) in South Korea. This study focuses on the evolution from controller to coordinator in the post-developmental South Korean state. In recent times, the Korean government has been studied as the exemplar of the Asian newly industrializing economies (NIEs) based on its ability to <em>control</em> economic development. As civil society pressures outgrew government control in the 1990s, the government’s mission shifted from control to <em>coordination </em>– the state sought to accommodate newly emerging or enlarged bargaining domains of key political-economic actors. However, the emergent post-developmental state is buffeted by the growing strength of the private sector, domestically and transnationally. While civil society strived to mobilize mass movements to further social democracy, the neoliberal evolution of capitalist class interests generated institutional configurations favouring the hegemony of finance capital.

scholarly journals Pandangan Masyarakat Indonesia Terhadap Budaya Korea Selatan: Studi Kasus Manhwa Noblesse pada Aplikasi Line Webtoon

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 78
Author(s):  
Nadia Istiani Zagita ◽  
Rudi Sukandar
Keyword(s):  
South Korea ◽  
Intercultural Communication ◽  
Case Studies ◽  
The South ◽  
Korean Culture ◽  
South Korean ◽  
The Media

Line Webtoon is one of the media used by South Korea in spreading Hallyu Wave. It has driven the views or opinions of the South Korean culture through manhwa (Korean Comic) called "Noblesse" in the application Line Webtoon using Comic Theory from Scott McCloud. The analysis of case studies on the Noblesse manhwa showed that opinions were presented and exhanged related to the characters, the messages being conveyed, and reader's expectations about in the manhwa. The readers' enthusiasm for this manhwa has made Noblesse one of the most favored manhwas. The implications of this research led to the intercultural communication associated with the comic elements in this manhwa.

From Seoul to Paris

2020 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 575-602
Author(s):  
Katri Kauhanen
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
South Korea ◽  
Authoritarian Regimes ◽  
National Council ◽  
Women's Activism ◽  
Korean Literature ◽  
International Council ◽  
South Korean ◽  
Close Relationship ◽  
The Cold War

The Korean National Council of Women, a women’s organization established in 1959, has received criticism in Korean literature for its collaboration with the authoritarian regimes that ruled South Korea for decades. This article, however, argues for a different kind of interpretation. The Korean National Council of Women came together to join the International Council of Women, a major international women’s organization that was looking for new affiliations in the recently decolonized parts of Asia and Africa in the midst of Cold War competition. Thus, we should view the existence of the Korean National Council of Women in the framework of transnational women’s activism and how the Cold War shaped it. After outlining the connections made between South Korean women and the International Council of Women, the article analyzes the projects proposed by the Korean National Council of Women under the anti-communist authoritarian regime. Based on archival research in South Korea and Belgium, this article argues that instead of following rules from above, the Korean National Council of Women negotiated a way to combine the advancement of women’s issues with the development of the nation. The International Council of Women, while criticizing communist women for their close relationship with the state, celebrated the achievements its South Korean affiliate made as a state-registered organization.

The Microeconomics of Engagement

Hard Target ◽  
2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephan Haggard ◽  
Marcus Noland
Keyword(s):  
South Korea ◽  
Dispute Settlement ◽  
Informal Institutions ◽  
Business Environment ◽  
State Control ◽  
South Korean ◽  
Cross Border ◽  
Cast Doubt ◽  
Trade And Investment ◽  
Over Time

This chapter draws on two unprecedented surveys of firms based in China and South Korea engaged in trade and investment with North Korea. It examines both the nature of cross-border exchange as well as the formal and informal institutions that underpin it and provides evidence of ongoing state control. Chinese firms in particular report that the business environment is highly corrupt; a consideration of dispute settlement and measures of trust suggest how the development of cross-border exchange is limited by the regime's overall economic strategy. South Korean firms operate in an enclave setting that imports South Korean property rights, and China my be moving to such a model over time. These findings cast doubt on the engagement model.

A Reconsideration of the New Right’s Formative Period (2003–2008): Conservative Experiences, Mass Media and Cultural Memory in Post-Authoritarian South Korea

2020 ◽  
pp. 35-84
Author(s):  
Patrick Vierthaler
Keyword(s):  
Mass Media ◽  
South Korea ◽  
Cultural Memory ◽  
Formative Period ◽  
New Right ◽  
Historical Narratives ◽  
History And Memory ◽  
Korean History ◽  
South Korean

The present article re-considers the emergence and institutionalization of the South Korean New Right Movement (2003–2007). Tracing institutional changes in post-democratization South Korea, I argue that the New Right can be evaluated as a process of Cultural Trauma within the conservative ideological spectrum. Revealing the movement’s institutionalization until the inauguration of the Lee Myung-bak government in 2008, I investigate in detail the role of the conservative mass media in the movement’s rise. Furthermore, I examine the movement’s relation to contemporary Korean history and memory, clarifying why the New Right ultimately failed in gaining wide-spread support for their historical narratives.

scholarly journals 50 days of war on innocent civilian: Ma’an news agency coverage of Israeli and Palestinian conflict

2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (4.9) ◽  
pp. 145
Author(s):  
Wesam Almahallawi ◽  
Hasmah Zanuddin
Keyword(s):  
Media Coverage ◽  
Arab World ◽  
News Coverage ◽  
Reliability And Validity ◽  
Arab Countries ◽  
Government Control ◽  
News Agency ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Right

Since the TV broadcasting was established in Arab countries until the 1990s, broadcasting during this specific time was based on a government control model, which derived from the view of broadcasting as an instrument of state advance that must be under the control from government. This kind of TVs, limits the broadcasting to highlight the government issue (1). In these kind of TVs, they focus with the leader’s opinion more than the Palestinian problem. By the way, the theme in Arab media determined to highlight the leader’s opinion who claims the right to speak on behalf of Palestinians. In September 1991, the first private TV in the Arab world was established when MBC went on the air from London. More private TVs followed after that like: Orbit in 1994 and ART in 1995, both based in Italy owned by Saudi businessmen, Future Television and LBC, both Lebanese based in Beirut, in 1995, and Al-Jazeera based in Qatar in 1996. In 2002 the number of the Arab TV stations was expanded to more than 150 TVS as government or privately owned, with capability of reaching the Arab people in any place in the world. This paper focuses on the media coverage of the conflict between two parties Palestine and Israel. The preview studies show that, in a conflict the media has an influential role and has responsibility for increasing violence or contributing to the resolution of conflict and mitigation of violence (2). This study examined 61 news coverage and framing of the Israel and Palestine conflict, known as the 50 days’ war from 8 July – 26 August 2014 by Ma’an News Agency, which delivers news to Ma’an TV (Palestinian satellite television station). A quantitative content analysis was employed to examine the news published during the war using five generic frames developed by (3). Holsti Inter-coder reliability and validity test value is 0.988 or 98% agreement. The results showed that conflict and human-interest frames were significantly visible compared to other frames in Ma’an news coverage. Portrayal of images of civilian killing, children and women killed in their homes and suffrage news coverage, in this war. Responsibility frame stressed on hospitals bombing and embargo of medications which reduced chances for Palestinian of immediate medical help. The economic frame highlighted the economic and financial losses of Palestinians as consequences of 50 days’ war. Most of them lost their income, businesses, agriculture land and homes and became refugees.  

LIBERAL TAIWAN VERSUS ILLIBERAL SOUTH KOREA: THE DIVERGENT PATHS OF ELECTION CAMPAIGN REGULATION

2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 437-462
Author(s):  
Jong-sung You ◽  
Jiun-Da Lin
Keyword(s):  
South Korea ◽  
Democratic Transition ◽  
Path Dependence ◽  
Authoritarian Regimes ◽  
Election Campaign ◽  
Incumbency Advantage ◽  
South Korean ◽  
Critical Junctures ◽  
Ruling Party ◽  
Opposition Parties

AbstractSouth Korea and Taiwan have developed very different sets of election campaign regulations. While both countries had highly restrictive campaign rules during the authoritarian era, they have diverged since democratic transition. South Korea still imposes numerous restrictions on campaigning activities, but Taiwan has removed most of the restrictions. We explore the causes of these divergent trajectories through comparative historical process tracing, focusing on critical junctures and path dependence. We find that incumbency advantage and containment of new opposition parties were the primary objectives of introducing stringent regulations under the authoritarian regimes in both countries. The key difference was that, during the democratic transition, legislators affiliated with the opposition parties as well as the ruling party in South Korea enjoyed the incumbency advantage but that opposition forces in Taiwan did not. As a result, the opposition in Taiwan fought for liberalization of campaign regulations, but the South Korean opposition did not.

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