The Challenge of Garveyism Studies

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 399-418
Author(s):  
Adam Ewing

The past two decades have witnessed a resurgence of work on Marcus Garvey, Garveyism, and the Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA) in the American academy. Building on a first wave of Garveyism scholarship (1971–1988), and indebted to the archival and curatorial work of Robert A. Hill and the editors of the Marcus Garvey and Universal Negro Improvement Association Papers, this new work has traced the resonance of Garveyism across a staggering number of locations: from the cities and farms of North America to the labor compounds and immigrant communities of Central America to the colonial capitals of the Caribbean and Africa. It has pushed the temporal dimensions of Garveyism, connecting it backward to pan-African and black nationalist discourses and mobilizations as early as the Age of Revolution, and forward to the era of decolonization and Black Power. It has revealed the ways that Garveyism, a mass movement rooted in community aspirations, ideals, debates, and prejudices, offers a forum for excavating African diasporic discourses, particularly their contested gender politics. It has revealed that much more work remains to be done in Brazil, West Africa, Britain, France, and elsewhere.

1998 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 122-130 ◽  
Author(s):  
TIMOTHY R. McCLANAHAN ◽  
NYAWIRA A. MUTHIGA

Many coral reefs in the Caribbean, and elsewhere, have undergone changes from hard coral to fleshy algal dominance over the past two decades which has often been interpreted as a localized response to eutrophication and fishing. Here, data on the abundance of hard corals and algae from lagoonal patch reefs distributed throughout a large (260 km2) remote reef atoll located approximately 30 km offshore from the sparsely-populated coast of Belize, Central America, are compared with a study of these patch reefs conducted 25 years previously. Data and observations indicate that these patch reefs have undergone a major change in their ecology associated with a 75% reduction in total hard coral, a 99% loss in the cover of Acropora cervicornis and A. palmata, and a 315% increase in algae, which are mostly erect brown algae species in the genera Lobophora, Dictyota, Turbinaria and Sargassum. Such changes have been reported from other Caribbean reefs during the 1980s, but not on such a remote reef and the present changes may be attributed primarily to both a disease that began killing Acropora in this region in the mid 1980s and a reduction in herbivory. The low level of herbivory may be attributable to the disease-induced loss of the sea urchin Diadema antillarum in 1983, or fishing of herbivorous fishes, but both explanations are speculative. The present density of fisherfolk is low, and their efforts are not targetted at herbivorous fishes, and population densities of D. antillarum 14 years after the mortality are <1 individual per 1000 m2, but there is no comparative data from before the die off. There is, however, no indication that these major changes occurred on the fore reef, because A. palmata is abundant and erect algal abundance is low. We suggest that reported changes in other Caribbean reefs are not necessarily or exclusively influenced by local human factors such as localized intense eutrophication or fishing.


Author(s):  
Adam Ewing

This chapter contends that the education of Marcus Garvey was both grounded in the decades-old discourse of global pan-Africanism and shaped by the ferment of his era. His youthful experiences and experiments in Jamaica, Central America, and Europe—many of which seem to fly in the face of popular understandings of Garvey and Garveyism—suggest much about the diversity of the pan-African tradition out of which he emerged, and hint at the model of politics Garvey ultimately embraced. Proscribing neither radicalism nor conservatism, neither boldness nor caution, neither separatism nor interracial cooperation, the pan-African tradition offered clever and ambitious activists like Marcus Garvey a “potter's clay” that, under the right conditions, might unite a scattered race.


2020 ◽  
Vol 62 (4) ◽  
pp. 714-744
Author(s):  
Myles Osborne

AbstractThis article traces the impact of Kenya's Mau Mau uprising in Jamaica during the 1950s. Jamaican responses to Mau Mau varied dramatically by class: for members of the middle and upper classes, Mau Mau represented the worst of potential visions for a route to black liberation. But for marginalized Jamaicans in poorer areas, and especially Rastafari, Mau Mau was inspirational and represented an alternative method for procuring genuine freedom and independence. For these people, Mau Mau epitomized a different strand of pan-Africanism that had most in common with the ideas of Marcus Garvey. It was most closely aligned with, and was the forerunner of, Walter Rodney, Stokely Carmichael, and Black Power in the Caribbean. Theirs was a more radical, violent, and black-focused vision that ran alongside and sometimes over more traditional views. Placing Mau Mau in the Jamaican context reveals these additional levels of intellectual thought that are invisible without its presence. It also forces us to rethink the ways we periodize pan-Africanism and consider how pan-African linkages operated in the absence of direct contact between different regions.


2017 ◽  
Vol 2017 ◽  
pp. 1-28 ◽  
Author(s):  
Angel Josabad Alonso-Castro ◽  
Fabiola Domínguez ◽  
Alan Joel Ruiz-Padilla ◽  
Nimsi Campos-Xolalpa ◽  
Juan Ramón Zapata-Morales ◽  
...  

The consumption of medicinal plants has notably increased over the past two decades. People consider herbal products as safe because of their natural origin, without taking into consideration whether these plants contain a toxic principle. This represents a serious health problem. A bibliographic search was carried out using published scientific material on native plants from Mexico, Central America, and the Caribbean, which describe the ethnobotanical and toxicological information of medicinal plants empirically considered to be toxic. A total of 216 medicinal plants belonging to 77 families have been reported as toxic. Of these plants, 76 had been studied, and 140 plants lacked studies regarding their toxicological effects. The toxicity of 16 plants species has been reported in clinical cases, particularly in children. From these plants, deaths have been reported with the consumption ofChenopodium ambrosioides,Argemone mexicana, andThevetia peruviana. In most of the cases, the principle of the plant responsible for the toxicity is unknown. There is limited information about the toxicity of medicinal plants used in Mexico, Central America, and the Caribbean. More toxicological studies are necessary to contribute information about the safe use of the medicinal plants cited in this review.


Linguistics ◽  
2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexandra Y. Aikhenvald

The Arawak family is the largest in South America, with about forty extant languages. Arawak languages are spoken in lowland Amazonia and beyond, covering French Guiana, Suriname, Guiana, Venezuela, Colombia, Peru, Brazil, and Bolivia, and formerly in Paraguay and Argentina. Wayuunaiki (or Guajiro), spoken in the region of the Guajiro peninsula in Venezuela and Colombia, is the largest language of the family. Garifuna is the only Arawak language spoken in Belize, Honduras, Nicaragua, and Guatemala in Central America. Groups of Arawak speakers must have migrated from the Caribbean coast to the Antilles a few hundred years before the European conquest. At least several dozen Arawak languages have become extinct since the European conquest. The highest number of recorded Arawak languages is centered in the region between the Rio Negro and the Orinoco. This is potentially a strong linguistic argument in favor of the Arawak protohome having been located there. The diversity of Arawak languages south of the Amazon in central Peru around the Rivers Purús and Madeira must have been greater in the past than it is now. The settlements of Arawak-speaking peoples south of the Amazon are believed to be of considerable antiquity. The Arawak family is also known as Maipure or Maipuran (based on Maipure, formerly spoken in Venezuela). The family got its name “Arawak” from the language known as Lokono Arawak, Arawak, or Lokono Dian (spoken in French Guiana, Guiana, Suriname, and Venezuela by about 2,500 people). The genetic unity of Arawak languages was first recognized by Father Gilij as early as 1783. The recognition of the family was based on a comparison of pronominal cross-referencing prefixes in Maipure, a now-extinct language from the Orinoco Valley, and in Mojo (or Ignaciano) from Bolivia. Problems still exist concerning internal genetic relationships within the family and possible genetic relationships with other groups. North Arawak languages appear to constitute a separate subgroup; so do Campa languages and Arawak languages of the Xingu region. The legacy of Arawak languages survives in many common English words, including hammock, hurricane, barbecue, iguana, maize, papaya, savanna, guava, and possibly tobacco. This article focuses only on the major and most significant works. There are at least an equal number of more minor studies on the languages of the Arawak family.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 106-110
Author(s):  
Linda E. Sánchez ◽  
Susan Bibler Coutin

Scholarship regarding those who are categorized as undocumented can put sanctuary principles into practice in research settings. To do so, scholars can conduct research in collaboration with immigrant communities, reject essentializing terminology, develop modes of sociality that challenge exclusion, and document the unofficial forms of sanctuary devised by members of immigrant communities. This research model is grounded in principles of accompaniment that were followed by 1980s activists who offered sanctuary to those fleeing wars in Central America. Examples of research initiatives and educational programs that follow such principles are presented.


Author(s):  
Walter D. Mignolo

This book is an extended argument about the “coloniality” of power. In a shrinking world where sharp dichotomies, such as East/West and developing/developed, blur and shift, this book points to the inadequacy of current practices in the social sciences and area studies. It explores the crucial notion of “colonial difference” in the study of the modern colonial world and traces the emergence of an epistemic shift, which the book calls “border thinking.” Further, the book expands the horizons of those debates already under way in postcolonial studies of Asia and Africa by dwelling on the genealogy of thoughts of South/Central America, the Caribbean, and Latino/as in the United States. The book's concept of “border gnosis,” or sensing and knowing by dwelling in imperial/colonial borderlands, counters the tendency of occidentalist perspectives to manage, and thus limit, understanding. A new preface discusses this book as a dialogue with Hegel's Philosophy of History.


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