How the 2017 same-sex marriage postal survey and the 2017 Queensland state election underscore the ‘two Queenslands’ thesis

2018 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-49
Author(s):  
Niels Kraaier

AbstractBased on an analysis of the 2017 same-sex marriage postal survey results and the results of the 2017 Queensland state election, this paper observes that residents of the south-east corner of the state appear to adopt feminine values as opposed to the masculinity for which Queensland is known. The results underscore the ‘two Queenslands’ thesis, which posits that the single geographic state of Queensland has cleaved over time into two entities quite distinct in their economic, political, social and cultural form. Moreover, they add fuel to the debate about secession. As residents of the south-east continue to develop their own identity, the desire for a state of South-East Queensland could at some point become a realistic scenario.

Author(s):  
Susan Gluck Mezey

Opposition to same-sex marriage in the United States is frequently based on the religious belief that marriage should be reserved for a man and a woman. With most of the attention focused on wedding vendors, the clash between religious liberty and marriage equality has largely manifested itself in efforts by business owners, such as photographers, florists, caterers, and bakers, to deny their services to same-sex couples celebrating their marriages. Citing state antidiscrimination laws, the couples demand the owners treat them as they do their other customers. Owners of public accommodations (privately owned business open to the public) who object to facilitating the weddings of same-sex couples do so typically by asserting their personal religious beliefs as defenses when charged with violating such laws; they argue that they would view their participation (albeit indirect) in wedding ceremonies as endorsing same-sex marriage. As the lawsuits against them began to proliferate, the business owners asked the courts to shield them from liability for violating the laws prohibiting discrimination because of sexual orientation in places of public accommodation. They cited their First Amendment right to the free exercise of their religion and their right not to be compelled to speak, that is, to express a positive message about same-sex marriage. With conflicts between same-sex couples and owners of business establishments arising in a number of states, the focus of the nation’s attention was on a New Mexico photographer, a Washington State florist, and a Colorado baker, each of whom sought an exemption from their state’s antidiscrimination law to enable them to exercise their religious tenets against marriage equality. In these cases, the state human rights commissions and the state appellate courts ruled that the antidiscrimination laws outweighed the rights of the business owners to exercise their religious beliefs against marriage equality by refusing to play a role, no matter how limited, in a same-sex marriage ceremony. In June 2018, in Masterpiece Cakeshop, LTD. v. Colorado Civil Rights Commission, the U.S. Supreme Court affirmed the state’s antidiscrimination law that guaranteed equal treatment for same-sex couples in places of public accommodations but reversed the Commission’s ruling against the Colorado baker. In a narrow decision, the Court held that the Commission infringed on the baker’s First Amendment right to free exercise by uttering comments that, in the Court’s view, demonstrated hostility to his sincerely held religious beliefs. The ruling affirmed that society has a strong interest in protecting gay men and lesbians from harm as they engage in the marketplace as well as in respecting sincerely held religious beliefs.


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 25-33
Author(s):  
Musyaffa Amin Ash Shabah

This study analyzes same-sex marriage and interfaith marriage in the perspective of HumanRights and Islamic Law. This research is a library research using the juridical-normative approachand descriptive analysis data. The results of the study show that same-sex marriage by nature hasagainst the nature of human life that is born to establish mental and biological bonds between theopposite sex, namely between men and women. The Positive Legal Review emphasizes that in theMarriage Law, it is stated that marriage is a physical and spiritual bond between a man and a womanto form a family or household and to carry on offspring and aim at upholding religious teachingsand carrying out customs. On the other hand, Islamic religious law also explicitly prohibits same-sexmarriage. As for the relation to interfaith marriage, if it is legalized, it is a violation of the constitution.Article 29 of the 1945 Constitution states that the State is based on the One Godhead (paragraph 1).The state guarantees the freedom of every resident to embrace his own religion and worship accordingto his religion and belief (verse 2). This article clearly states that the State guarantees every citizento practice his religious teachings. One form of freedom of religious worship is manifested in theimplementation of marriage. Religion regulates the procedures for marriage, including what is allowedand not done. Six religions recognized in Indonesia reject interfaith marriage. The legalization ofinterfaith marriage means that the government does not respect the prevailing rules in religion.


2019 ◽  
pp. 92-94
Author(s):  
Jane Sendall ◽  
Roiya Hodgson

This chapter discusses the scope of the Civil Partnership Act 2004 (CPA 2004) which came into force on 5 December 2005 and the formation of civil partnerships. It outlines civil partnership and same-sex marriage under The Marriage (Same-Sex Couples) Act 2013. It also explains the differences between civil partnership and marriage. The CPA 2004 enables same-sex couples to form legally recognized civil partnerships. Once a partnership has been formed, civil partners assume many legal rights and responsibilities for each other, third parties, and the State. It does explain that adultery, however, is not a fact to establish the ground for dissolution of a civil partnership as it is in marriage.


Family Law ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 92-94
Author(s):  
Roiya Hodgson

This chapter discusses the scope of the Civil Partnership Act 2004 (CPA 2004) which came into force on 5 December 2005 and the formation of civil partnerships. It outlines civil partnership and same-sex marriage under The Marriage (Same-Sex Couples) Act 2013. It also explains the differences between civil partnership and marriage. Once a partnership has been formed, civil partners assume many legal rights and responsibilities for each other, third parties, and the State. It does explain that adultery, however, is not a fact to establish the ground for dissolution of a civil partnership as it is in marriage. The Civil Partnership (Opposite-sex Couples) Regulations 2019 are also outlined.


This chapter will focus on the biggest moral issue in recent history-the debate over same-sex marriage. This unprecedented case began in 1990 when three same-sex couples applied for marriage licenses from the State of Hawaii. They were refused and challenged the state's decision. In May 1993, the Hawaiian Supreme Court ruled the state needed to show compelling reasons why the same-sex couples should not be allowed to marry. Although the battle in Hawaii began in the court, it ended up in the state legislature where it spread rapidly across the nation. Legislators have responded to the promotion of same-sex marriage by sponsoring and passing bills claiming that it contravenes their faith based principles.


2019 ◽  
pp. 15-46
Author(s):  
Brett Krutzsch

Chapter 1 compares Harvey Milk’s archival materials—his personal letters, speeches, and writings—to how gay activists posthumously constructed him into a national emblem for gay rights. The chapter highlights how the AIDS epidemic and the movement for same-sex marriage shaped Milk’s reconstructed image. Chapter 1 also considers how gay activists configured Milk, a Jew who, at times, promoted multi-partner sexual and romantic relationships, to fit within the standards of the Protestant Christian mainstream. In effect, the chapter explores how Milk, a local politician who served only eleven months in a city council position, became, over time, “The Gay M.L.K.”


2020 ◽  
pp. 195-220
Author(s):  
Sandra Patton-Imani ◽  
Sandra Patton-Imani

I consider debates about Proposition 8, a California initiative that proposed banning same-sex marriage in 2008 after it had been legalized earlier that year. I explore family-making narratives of mothers of color in particular, in relation to political debates in news reports and letters to the editor between June and November 2008. Vociferous debate about children as symbols for the future of the nation engaged nationalist language of rights, equality, and “true Americans” on both sides. Sociopolitical fears about how legalizing same-sex marriage would affect children’s education and moral development infused sociopolitical narratives about the dangers of same-sex marriage for the United States. When the state initiative was passed on election night in November 2008, same-sex marriages were declared unlawful in the state. The simultaneous election of Barack Obama raised racial tensions about whose votes tipped which scales. I explore sociopolitical narratives of racial blame in news discussions of the political outcome.


Author(s):  
Gabriele Magni

LGBT issues have played an important role in elections. They have been the focus of direct democracy, that is referenda and ballot initiatives in which citizens voted on LGBT rights. The issues considered evolved over time from nondiscrimination ordinances in the 1970s to same-sex marriage bans in the 2000s and transgender rights in the 2010s. Religiosity, partisanship, and ideology generally predicted electoral outcomes. While supporters of LGBT rights have often been defeated at the ballot box, the tide started to change in the 2010s. Beyond direct democracy, LGBT issues have played a role in general elections. The religious right exploited them to mobilize the conservative electorate or to persuade voters to reconsider their party loyalties. The 2004 US presidential election, when same-sex marriage bans were on the ballot in several states, offers an important case study. LGBT actors are also important in elections. LGB voters have generally been more progressive and more supportive of the Democratic Party than the general population. Additionally, the number of openly LGBT candidates has significantly grown over time. In the early years, gays and lesbians running for office faced an electoral penalty but made up for their disadvantage by strategically competing in more favorable districts. By the late 2010s, however, large subsets of the electorate, including Democrats, progressives, nonreligious voters, and people with LGBT friends no longer penalized gay and lesbian candidates. The penalty remained stronger for transgender candidates. LGBT issues have also been important outside the United States, as shown by same-sex marriage referenda in Europe and beyond and by the increasing success of lesbian and gay candidates in the United Kingdom and New Zealand. Future research should explore issues concerning minorities in the LGBT community, the shifting position of right-wing parties on LGBT rights, and the role of LGBT issues and candidates in elections outside the Western world.


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