Turnout, Status, and Identity: Mobilizing Latinos to Vote with Group Appeals

2016 ◽  
Vol 110 (4) ◽  
pp. 615-630 ◽  
Author(s):  
ALI A. VALENZUELA ◽  
MELISSA R. MICHELSON
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Field Experiments ◽  
Minority Groups ◽  
Ethnic Identification ◽  
Expressive Voting ◽  
American Elections ◽  
Variable Identity ◽  
Identity Based

The rise of micro-targeting in American elections raises new questions about the effects of identity-based mobilization strategies. In this article, we bring together theories of expressive voting with literature on racial and ethnic identification to argue that prior studies, which have found either weak or null effects of identity messages targeting minority groups, have missed a crucial moderating variable—identity strength—that varies across both individuals and communities. Identity appeals can have powerful effects on turnout, but only when they target politicized identities to which individuals hold strong prior attachments. Using two innovative GOTV field experiments that rely on publicly available data as a proxy for identity strength, we show that the effects of both ethnic and national identity appeals among Latinos in California and Texas are conditional on the strength of those identities in different communities and among different Latino subgroups.

scholarly journals How is the State Perceived as Fair? A Literature Review of Social Identity-Based Procedural Justice in the National Context

2021 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 138
Author(s):  
Andina Mega Larasati ◽  
Joevarian Hudiyana ◽  
Hamdi Muluk
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Social Identity ◽  
Procedural Justice ◽  
Minority Groups ◽  
Group Identification ◽  
The State ◽  
National Context ◽  
Legal Compliance ◽  
Domains Of Life ◽  
Identity Based

Justice is relevant in various domains of life, including the state. The social identity-based procedural justice theories (Group Value Model and Group Engagement Model) emphasize the importance of procedural justice from the authority in signaling the group’s inclusion and respect, thus increasing individuals’ cooperation and compliance. This article aims to critically review published literature using the two models in a national context, of which there were inconsistent findings regarding the role of group identification. Three issues are underlying this inconsistency. First, both models could be applied when national identity was salient, such as legal compliance (to taxation and traffic law). Second, perceived police legitimacy is a better mediator when the national identity was not salient (e. g. cooperation in counter-terrorism and crowd policing). Third, the effect of procedural justice depends on the motivation to secure identity (which is generally higher among minority/marginalized groups). As both models are strongly bound by context, the author suggests controlling police-national identity prototypicality on studies about police procedural justice, attitude toward outgroup and relational identification with the police on studies involving intergroup conflict, and uncertainty about membership status on studies toward minority groups. Hopefully, this article could contribute references and encourage related studies in Indonesia.

Drinkin’ and Carryin’ On in Search of Community

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jerry T. Watkins
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Gay And Lesbian ◽  
Market Forces ◽  
Friendship Networks ◽  
Race And Class ◽  
Lesbian Community ◽  
Identity Based ◽  
And Gender ◽  
Private Homes ◽  
Gain Access

Before market forces created recognizable sites of gay and lesbian community, some queer Floridians leveraged their race and class privileges to create or gain access to spaces in order to find others like themselves. This chapter uses bars, “gay parties,” and friendship networks to show the ways that postwar mobility shaped queer socializing through complex negotiations of desire and access. In Tallahassee, the Cypress Lounge at the Floridan Hotel became an unofficial gay bar, while Florida’s powerbrokers schmoozed and facilitated connections to national identity-based rights discourses. Others used their private homes to host networks of gay and lesbian friends from around the panhandle. In Pensacola, Trader Jon’s and the Hi-Ho Five O’Clock Club were queered by sexually and gender non-conforming individuals.

Inventing England: English identity and the Scottish ‘other’, 1586–1625

2018 ◽  
pp. 305-326
Author(s):  
Jenna M. Schultz
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Great Britain ◽  
Strong Reaction ◽  
Archaeological Evidence ◽  
Language Studies ◽  
English National Identity ◽  
Identity Based ◽  
Single State ◽  
English Identity ◽  
Historical Accounts

Through dynastic accident, England and Scotland were united under King James VI and I in 1603. To smooth the transition, officials attempted to create a single state: Great Britain. Yet the project had a narrow appeal; the majority of the English populace rejected a closer relationship with Scotland. Such a strong reaction against Scotland resulted in a revived sense of Englishness. This essay analyzes English tactics to distance themselves from the Scots through historical treatises. For centuries, the English had created vivid histories to illuminate their ancient past. It is evident from the historical works written between 1586 and 1625 that authors sought to maintain a position of dominance over Scotland through veiled political commentaries. As such, their accounts propagated an English national identity based on a sense of historical supremacy over the Scottish. This was further supported through the use of language studies and archaeological evidence. After the 1603 Union of the Crowns, these stories did not change. Yet, questions arose regarding the king's genealogy, as he claimed descent from the great kings of both kingdoms. Consequently, historians re-invented the past to merge their historical accounts with the king's ancestral claims while continuing to validate English assertions of suzerainty.

Argumentative Contexts of National Identity Definition

2019 ◽  
pp. 133-152 ◽  
Author(s):  
Samuel Pehrson
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Minority Groups ◽  
Empirical Literature ◽  
Empirical Reality ◽  
National Belonging ◽  
Bottom Up ◽  
Ideal Types ◽  
National Boundaries ◽  
Civic Nationalism

People define the membership of their national groups in a variety of more or less inclusive ways. This has implications for how immigrants and minority groups are treated. Traditionally, variation national boundaries has been understood as a distinction between ethnic and civic nationalism. However, despite a developed empirical literature, it is difficult to find strong defenders of this distinction or its ability to capture the empirical reality of popular conceptions of nationhood. This chapter explores some of the deficiencies of the ethnic–civic distinction, arguing that these problems arise because when people report the importance of various criteria to national belonging, they are not selecting from philosophically derived ideal types on nationhood but rather are positioning themselves within the particular and local debates about nationality relevant in their time and place. The chapter proposes a situated and bottom-up investigation of how national boundaries are constructed and contested in particular places and how this differs across what this chapter will call ‘argumentative contexts’.

Predisposing Factors and Situational Triggers: Exclusionary Reactions to Immigrant Minorities

2004 ◽  
Vol 98 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-49 ◽  
Author(s):  
PAUL M. SNIDERMAN ◽  
LOUK HAGENDOORN ◽  
MARKUS PRIOR
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
The Netherlands ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Well Being ◽  
Predisposing Factors ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Identity Based ◽  
Exclusionary Policies ◽  
Situational Triggers ◽  
Economic Well Being

This paper examines the bases of opposition to immigrant minorities in Western Europe, focusing on The Netherlands. The specific aim of this study is to test the validity of predictions derived from two theories—realistic conflict, which emphasizes considerations of economic well-being, and social identity, which emphasizes considerations of identity based on group membership. The larger aim of this study is to investigate the interplay of predisposing factors and situational triggers in evoking political responses. The analysis is based on a series of three experiments embedded in a public opinion survey carried out in The Netherlands (n=2007) in 1997–98. The experiments, combined with parallel individual-level measures, allow measurement of the comparative impact of both dispositionally based and situationally triggered threats to economic well-being and to national identity at work. The results show, first, that considerations of national identity dominate those of economic advantage in evoking exclusionary reactions to immigrant minorities and, second, that the effect of situational triggers is to mobilize support for exclusionary policies above and beyond the core constituency already predisposed to support them.

Credible Threat

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah Sobieraj
Keyword(s):  
Gender Inequality ◽  
Public Discourse ◽  
Minority Groups ◽  
Civil Liberties ◽  
Public Spaces ◽  
Credible Threat ◽  
Societal Level ◽  
Identity Based ◽  
Racial Ethnic ◽  
Depth Interviews

This book argues that the rampant hate-filled attacks against women online are best understood as patterned resistance to women’s political voice and visibility. This abuse and harassment coalesces into an often-unrecognized form of gender inequality that constrains women’s use of digital public spaces, much as the pervasive threat of sexual intimidation and violence constrain women’s freedom and comfort in physical public spaces. What’s more, the abuse exacerbates inequality among women, those from racial, ethnic, religious, and/or other minority groups, are disproportionately targeted. Drawing on in-depth interviews with women who have been on the receiving end of digital hate, Credible Threat shows that the onslaught of epithets and stereotypes, rape threats, and unsolicited commentary about their physical appearance and sexual desirability come at great professional, personal, and psychological costs for the women targeted—and also with underexplored societal level costs that demand attention. When effective, identity-based attacks undermine women’s contributions to public discourse, create a climate of self-censorship, and at times, push women out of digital publics altogether. Given the uneven distribution of toxicity, those women whose voices are already most underrepresented (e.g., women in male-dominated fields, those from historically undervalued groups) are particularly at risk. In the end, identity-based attacks online erode civil liberties, diminish public discourse, limit the knowledge we have to inform policy and electoral decision making, and teach all women that activism and public service are unappealing, high-risk endeavors to be avoided.

Reform Movements

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nalini Bhushan ◽  
Jay L. Garfield
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Political History ◽  
Colonial Period ◽  
National Consciousness ◽  
Reform Movements ◽  
Identity Based

This chapter contrasts a number of different accounts of that in which Indian national identity consists that were advanced in the colonial period. It considers criteria of identity based in geography, culture, political history, art and religion, and show how each of these contributed to the development of national consciousness.

Muslim Integration and French Society

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rachel D. Brown
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Policy Development ◽  
The United States ◽  
North African ◽  
French Society ◽  
Migration History ◽  
History Of ◽  
Identity Based ◽  
The Subject ◽  
New Research

The subject of Muslim integration has been the focus of much policy development, media engagement, and everyday conversation in France. Because of the strong rhetoric about national identity—a national identity based on Republican ideals of universalism, equality, and French secularism (laïcité)—the question often becomes, “Can Muslims, as Muslims, integrate into French society and ‘be’ French?” In other contexts (e.g., the United States), religion may act as an aid in immigrants’ integration. In Europe, and France specifically, religion is viewed as an absolute hindrance to integration. Because of this, and thanks to a specific migration history of Muslims to France, the colonial grounding for the development of French nationality and secularism, and the French assimilationist model of integration, Muslims are often viewed as, at best, not able to integrate and, at worst, not willing to integrate into French society. The socioeconomic inequality between Muslim and non-Muslim French (as represented by life in the banlieues [suburbs]), the continued labeling of second- and third-generation North African Muslim youth as “immigrants,” the occurrence of terrorist attacks and radicalization on European soil, and the use of religious symbols (whether the head scarf or religious food practices) as symbols of intentional difference all add to the perception that Muslims are, and should be, the subject of integration efforts in France. While the discourse is often that Muslims have failed to integrate into French society through an acceptance and enactment of French values and policies, new research is suggesting that the “failed” integration of Muslims reveals a deeper failure of French Republican universalism, equality, and secularism.

Explaining Kazakhstani identity: supraethnic identity, ethnicity, language, and citizenship

2017 ◽  
Vol 45 (5) ◽  
pp. 815-839 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kristoffer Michael Rees ◽  
Nora Webb Williams
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Ordered Probit ◽  
Ethnic Identification ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Kazakh Population ◽  
Global Norms ◽  
Ordered Probit Models ◽  
Made In ◽  
Analyze Data

The demographic composition of Kazakhstan after the fall of the Soviet Union presented a dilemma to the new Kazakhstani government: Should it advance a Kazakh identity as paramount, possibly alienating the large non-Kazakh population? Or should it advocate for a non-ethnicized national identity? How would those decisions be made in light of global norms of liberal multiculturalism? And, critically, would citizens respond to new frames of identity? This paper provides an empirical look at supraethnic identity-building in Kazakhstan – that is, at the development of a national identity that individuals place above or alongside their ethnic identification. We closely examine the Assembly of People of Kazakhstan to describe how Kazakhstani policies intersect with theories of nationalism and nation-building. We then use ordered probit models to analyze data from a 2014 survey to examine how citizens of Kazakhstan associate with a “Kazakhstani” supraethnic identity. Our findings suggest that despite the Assembly of People's rhetoric, there are still significant barriers to citizen-level adoption of a supraethnic identity in Kazakhstan, particularly regarding language. However, many individuals do claim an association with Kazakhstani identity, especially those individuals who strongly value citizenship in the abstract.

Modernism as Postnationalist Politics:

2017 ◽  
Vol 76 (4) ◽  
pp. 532-549
Author(s):  
Adnan Morshed
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Fine Arts ◽  
The United States ◽  
Modern Architecture ◽  
Political Debate ◽  
Colonial Era ◽  
Identity Based ◽  
The Aesthetic ◽  
Secular Humanist ◽  
Dual Commitment

After completing architectural studies in the United States in 1952, Muzharul Islam returned home to Pakistan to find the country embroiled in acrimonious politics of national identity. The young architect began his design career in the midst of bitterly divided notions of national origin and destiny, and his architectural work reflected this political debate. In Modernism as Postnationalist Politics: Muzharul Islam's Faculty of Fine Arts (1953–56), Adnan Morshed argues that Islam's Faculty of Fine Arts at Shahbagh, Dhaka, embodied his need to articulate a national identity based on the secular humanist ethos of Bengal, rather than on an Islamic religious foundation. With this iconoclastic building, Islam sought to achieve two distinctive goals: to introduce the aesthetic tenets of modern architecture to East Pakistan and to reject all references to colonial-era Indo-Saracenic architecture. The Faculty's modernism hinges on Islam's dual commitment to a secular Bengali character and universal humanity.

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