scholarly journals How is the State Perceived as Fair? A Literature Review of Social Identity-Based Procedural Justice in the National Context

2021 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 138
Author(s):  
Andina Mega Larasati ◽  
Joevarian Hudiyana ◽  
Hamdi Muluk
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Social Identity ◽  
Procedural Justice ◽  
Minority Groups ◽  
Group Identification ◽  
The State ◽  
National Context ◽  
Legal Compliance ◽  
Domains Of Life ◽  
Identity Based

Justice is relevant in various domains of life, including the state. The social identity-based procedural justice theories (Group Value Model and Group Engagement Model) emphasize the importance of procedural justice from the authority in signaling the group’s inclusion and respect, thus increasing individuals’ cooperation and compliance. This article aims to critically review published literature using the two models in a national context, of which there were inconsistent findings regarding the role of group identification. Three issues are underlying this inconsistency. First, both models could be applied when national identity was salient, such as legal compliance (to taxation and traffic law). Second, perceived police legitimacy is a better mediator when the national identity was not salient (e. g. cooperation in counter-terrorism and crowd policing). Third, the effect of procedural justice depends on the motivation to secure identity (which is generally higher among minority/marginalized groups). As both models are strongly bound by context, the author suggests controlling police-national identity prototypicality on studies about police procedural justice, attitude toward outgroup and relational identification with the police on studies involving intergroup conflict, and uncertainty about membership status on studies toward minority groups. Hopefully, this article could contribute references and encourage related studies in Indonesia.

Your Heritage Will Still Remain

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael J. Goleman
Keyword(s):  
Social Identity ◽  
The State ◽  
First Century ◽  
Lost Cause ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
National Context ◽  
White Supremacist ◽  
The Social ◽  
American Society ◽  
Sectional Conflict

Your Heritage Will Still Remain details how Mississippians constructed their social identity in the aftermath of the crises that transformed the state beginning with the sectional conflict, Civil War, and Reconstruction, and finally ending in the late nineteenth century. The social identity studied in this book focuses primarily on how Mississippians thought of their place within a national context, whether as Americans, Confederates, or both. During the period in question, radical transformations within the state forced Mississippians to embrace, deny, or rethink their standing within the Union. Tracing the evolution of Mississippians’ social identity from 1850 through the end of the decade uncovers why white Mississippians felt the need to create the Lost Cause legend and shaped the way they constructed it. At the same time, black Mississippians tried to etch their place within the Union and as part of American society, yet continually faced white supremacist backlash. Your Heritage Will Still Remain offers insights into the creation of Mississippi’s Lost Cause and black social identity and how those cultural hallmarks continue to impact the state into the twenty-first century.

Strategic Violence Among Religious Parties in Pakistan

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Niloufer Siddiqui
Keyword(s):  
Minority Groups ◽  
The State ◽  
Student Groups ◽  
Electoral Success ◽  
University Campuses ◽  
Western Influence ◽  
Religious Law ◽  
Identity Based ◽  
The Government ◽  
Coercive Function

Islamist parties in Pakistan are theologically diverse but grouped as such because of their belief in the state enforcement of religious law (shariah). While they have only achieved modest levels of electoral success, the country’s Islamist parties are considered important due to their ability to mobilize street power, lobby the state and judiciary from outside of parliament, and serve as key electoral allies of mainstream parties. In addition, these Islamist electoral groups employ a range of violence strategies. Many of these parties maintain militant wings, possess linkages with extremist Islamist outfits, and/or engage in violent politics on university campuses through their affiliated student groups. Existing literature suggests that violence by political parties has certain electoral benefits. First, it serves a coercive function, by intimidating voters to stay home on election day or compelling them to vote a certain way. Second, it can serve to polarize the populace along identity-based lines. However, given the limited success of Islamist parties in elections, it seems unlikely that their involvement in violence serves only an electoral purpose. In particular, much of the parties’ violent activity seems, at least at first glance, unrelated to electoral activity. Why, then, do Islamist parties utilize violence? Violence wielded by Islamist parties in Pakistan serves three functions. First, Islamist electoral groups are able to leverage their unique position as a part of the system with close linkages to militant actors outside of it to effectively pressure the state on a range of policy matters. That is, violence works to advance the party’s strategic goal of lobbying the government from outside of the legislative system. Second, the use of violence serves an ideological function by, for example, targeting specific sects and minority groups, fighting Western influence, and supporting the liberation struggle in Kashmir. The use of violence also helps prove to ideologically aligned militant actors that the parties are on “their side.” Finally, the use of violence can also serve purely electoral purposes. Like other identity-based parties, making salient a particular schism at opportune times can work to increase one’s own vote bank at the expense of other secular parties.

scholarly journals THE PROJECT SKOPJE 2014 FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF MASS CULTURE CRITICISM OF F. NIETZSCHE / PROJEKTAS SKOPJE 2014 IŠ F. NIETZSCHE'S MASINĖS KULTŪROS KRITICIZMO PERSPEKTYVOS

2015 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 58-71
Author(s):  
Vesna Stanković Pejnović
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Mass Culture ◽  
Karl Marx ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Art Nouveau ◽  
Modern Democracy ◽  
Modern Culture ◽  
Mass Politics ◽  
Identity Based

Along with Karl Marx, Friedrich Nietzsche may be considered a great theorist and critic of Art Nouveau, negative life aspects of modern culture considered. Nietzsche developed one of the first sustained critiques of mass culture and society, the state, and bureaucratic discipline that later deeply influenced discourses of Art Nouveau. Nietzsche perceived mass culture central to modern social reality as the forces of decadence and nihilism that undermines the authentic culture and creates a mediocre culture. Nietzsche was “anti-politically” oriented, believing mass politics led to herd conformity, the loss of individuality, producing mass manipulation and homogenization harmful to vital life energy, creativity, and superior individuality. Moreover, Nietzsche thought modern democracy, liberalism, and enlightened social movements contributed regression of “modern man”, especially through press and mass culture, focusing on the trivial, superfluous, and sensational, creating homogenization and conformity. The project Skopje 2014 may also be seen from the perspective where the state and political elites are hiding behind culture and national identity trying to build an identity based on culture with no individual but only improvised collectivity. Individual, lost in ideology, system, and environment changes become lost in the collectivity, unsuccessfully trying to find his place, not realizing there is nothing beyond deception. Santrauka Greta Karlo Marxo, Friedrichas Nietzsche gali būti vertinamas kaip didis Art Nouveau teoretikas ir kritikas, gilinęsis į moderniosios kultūros negatyviuosius gyvenimo aspektus. Nietzsche išplėtojo masinės kultūros ir visuomenės, valstybės ir biurokratinės disciplinos kritiką, kuri yra bene pirmoji tokia nuosekli kritika, vėliau turėjusi didelės įtakos Art Nouveau diskursams. Nietzsche masinę kultūrą suprato kaip esminę moderniosios socialinės realybės atžvilgiu – kaip dekadanso ir nihilizmo jėgą, paveikusią autentiškąją kultūrą ir kuriančią vidutinybių kultūrą. Nietzsche's orientacija buvo „antipolitinė“ – jis tikėjo, esą masinė politika veda link minios konformizmo, individualumo praradimo, produkuoja masinį manipuliavimą ir homogenizavimą, žalojančius vitalinę gyvenimo energiją, kūrybiškumą ir aukščiausiąjį individualumą. Be to, Nietzsche manė, kad modernioji demokratija, liberalizmas ir švietėjiški socialiniai judėjimai prisidėjo prie „moderniojo žmogaus“ regreso, ypač dėl spaudos ir masinės kultūros įtakos, sutelkiančios ties banalybėmis, nesaikingumu ir jutimiškumu ir produkuojančios homogeniškumą bei konformizmą. Projektas Skopje 2014 taip pat gali būti vertinamas iš tos perspektyvos, kur valstybės ir politinis elitas prisidengia kultūra bei nacionaliniu identitetu, siekdamas sukurti identitetą, kuris būtų grįstas kultūra be individualumo – vien tik improvizuojamu kolektyviškumu. Ideologijoje, sistemoje ir aplinkos permainose nuskandintas individas, bandydamas surasti savąją vietą ir nesuvokdamas, kad nebėra nieko, išskyrus apgaules, buvo kolektyviškumo sunaikintas. Reikšminiai žodžiai: Friedrichas Nietzsche, individas, Makedonija, masinė kultūra.

Turnout, Status, and Identity: Mobilizing Latinos to Vote with Group Appeals

2016 ◽  
Vol 110 (4) ◽  
pp. 615-630 ◽  
Author(s):  
ALI A. VALENZUELA ◽  
MELISSA R. MICHELSON
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Field Experiments ◽  
Minority Groups ◽  
Ethnic Identification ◽  
Expressive Voting ◽  
American Elections ◽  
Variable Identity ◽  
Identity Based

The rise of micro-targeting in American elections raises new questions about the effects of identity-based mobilization strategies. In this article, we bring together theories of expressive voting with literature on racial and ethnic identification to argue that prior studies, which have found either weak or null effects of identity messages targeting minority groups, have missed a crucial moderating variable—identity strength—that varies across both individuals and communities. Identity appeals can have powerful effects on turnout, but only when they target politicized identities to which individuals hold strong prior attachments. Using two innovative GOTV field experiments that rely on publicly available data as a proxy for identity strength, we show that the effects of both ethnic and national identity appeals among Latinos in California and Texas are conditional on the strength of those identities in different communities and among different Latino subgroups.

Working Hard to Achieve Self-Defining Group Goals: A Social Identity Analysis

2000 ◽  
Vol 31 (4) ◽  
pp. 191-203 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kelly S. Fielding ◽  
Michael A. Hogg
Keyword(s):  
Social Identity ◽  
Group Identification ◽  
Group Norms ◽  
Identity Threat ◽  
Traditional Research ◽  
Identity Model ◽  
Group Goals ◽  
And Performance ◽  
Substantial Effort

Summary: A social identity model of effort exertion in groups is presented. In contrast to most traditional research on productivity and performance motivation, the model is assumed to apply to groups of all sizes and nature, and to all membership contingent norms that specify group behaviors and goals. It is proposed that group identification renders behavior group-normative and encourages people to behave in line with group norms. The effect should be strengthened among people who most need consensual identity validation from fellow members, and in intergroup contexts where there is inescapable identity threat from an outgroup. Together these processes should encourage people to exert substantial effort on behalf of their group.

Effects of Human vs. Computer-Controlled Characters and Social Identity Cues on Enjoyment

2019 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-47 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jorge Peña ◽  
Jannath Ghaznavi ◽  
Nicholas Brody ◽  
Rui Prada ◽  
Carlos Martinho ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Social Identity ◽  
Social Presence ◽  
Group Identification ◽  
Virtual Character ◽  
Character Type ◽  
Computer Controlled ◽  
Media Enjoyment ◽  
Identification Processes

Abstract. This study explored how group identification, avatar similarity identification, and social presence mediated the effect of character type (avatars or agents) and social identity cues (presence or absence of avatars wearing participants’ school colors) on game enjoyment. Playing with teammate avatars increased enjoyment indirectly by enhancing group identification. In addition, the presence of social identity cues increased enjoyment indirectly by augmenting identification with one’s avatar. Unexpectedly, playing in multiplayer mode in the presence of social identity cues decreased enjoyment, whereas playing in multiplayer mode in the absence of social identity cues increased enjoyment. Social presence was not a reliable mediator. The findings supported media enjoyment and social identity theories, and highlighted how virtual character type and identification processes influence enjoyment.

Dialogue or Confrontation?

2012 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 93-116 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ringo Ringvee
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Religious Identity ◽  
The State ◽  
Religious Movements ◽  
New Religious Movements ◽  
Religious Traditions ◽  
Neoliberal Governance ◽  
Religious Associations ◽  
Liberal Attitude

The article focuses on the relations between the state , mainstream religions and new religious movements in Estonia from the early 1990s until today. Estonia has been known as one of highly secular and religiously liberal countries. During the last twenty years Estonian religious scene has become considerably more pluralist, and there are many different religious traditions represented in Estonia. The governmental attitude toward new religious movements has been rather neutral, and the practice of multi-tier recognition of religious associations has not been introduced. As Estonia has been following neoliberal governance also in the field of religion, the idea that the religious market should regulate itself has been considered valid. Despite of the occasional conflicts between the parties in the early 1990s when the religious market was created the tensions did decrease in the following years. The article argues that one of the fundamental reasons for the liberal attitude towards different religious associations by the state and neutral coexistence of different traditions in society is that Estonian national identity does not overlap with any particular religious identity.

Nation Branding:

MedienJournal ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 7
Author(s):  
Gisela K. Cánepa
Keyword(s):  
Economic Growth ◽  
National Identity ◽  
Cultural Identity ◽  
Social Contract ◽  
The State ◽  
Nation Branding ◽  
Great Opportunity ◽  
National Community ◽  
Neoliberal Governmentality ◽  
Entrepreneurial Spirit

Nation branding plays a central role within neoliberal governmentality, operating as a technology of power in the configuration of emerging cultural and political formations such as national identity, citizenship and the state. The discussion of the advertising spot Perú, Nebraska  released as part of the Nation Branding campaign Marca Perú  in May of 2011, constitutes a great opportunity to: (i) argue about the way in which audiovisual advertisement products, designed as performative devises, operate as technologies of power; and (ii) problematize the terms in which it founds a new social contract for the Peruvian multicultural national community. This analysis will allow me to approach neoliberalism as a cultural regime in order to discuss the ideological nature of the uncontested celebratory discourse that has emerged in Perú and which explains the economic growth of the last decades as the outcome of a national entrepreneurial spirit that would be distinctive of Peruvian cultural identity.

TANTANGAN DAN PENGUATAN IDEOLOGI PANCASILA DALAM MENGHADAPI ERA REVOLUSI INDUSTRI 4.0

2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (02) ◽  
pp. 66-78
Author(s):  
Nurul Fadilah
Keyword(s):  
Content Analysis ◽  
National Identity ◽  
Data Analysis ◽  
Data Collection ◽  
Human Resources ◽  
Research Method ◽  
Industrial Revolution ◽  
Qualitative Approach ◽  
The State ◽  
Way Of Life

The ideology of Pancasila as a way of life, the basis of the state, and national identity has a various challenge from time to time so that the existence of Pancasila as an Ideology must be maintained, especially in industrial revolution 4.0. The research method used is a qualitative approach by doing study of literature. In data collection the writer used documentation while in techniques data analysis used content analysis, inductive and descriptive. Results of the research about challenges and strengthening of the Pancasila Ideology in facing the era of the industrial revolution 4.0 are: (1)  grounding Pancasila, (2) increasing professional human resources based on Pancasila’s values, (3) maintaining the existence of Pancasila as the State Ideology.

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