Children's Attitudes and British Politics

1971 ◽  
Vol 1 (4) ◽  
pp. 519-520 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. H. Birch

Messrs Dennis, Lindberg and McCrone have written an interesting article 1 in which they draw the conclusion that those of us who have written textbooks about British politics should modify some of our generalizations about British attitudes and traditions. But before we all rush to revise our next editions, I should like to raise some critical questions about thearticle. I will enumerate these to meet the editor's request for brevity, (i) Why are we not told anything about the composition of the sample? It has been shown that political attitudes among British children are related both to the social class of their parents and to the type of school attended, 2 and without any indication of the class background or schools of the children interviewed it is rather difficult to assess the results. It would also be helpful to know exactly when the survey was conducted.

1967 ◽  
Vol 113 (503) ◽  
pp. 1073-1082 ◽  
Author(s):  
G. Palmai ◽  
P. B. Storey ◽  
O. Briscoe

This study is an investigation of the social class background of a randomly selected sample of young people appearing in the London Juvenile Courts; and of the relationships between their social class and sex and the number and types of offences with which they were charged.


PEDIATRICS ◽  
1978 ◽  
Vol 62 (3) ◽  
pp. 389-389
Author(s):  
R. J. H.

In Warsaw, Poland, a city destroyed at the end of World War II, housing and schools were rebuilt and assigned without regard to social class. In 1974, 96% of the children born eleven years earlier, were tested for cognitive ability and correlations made between parental occupation and education and with the school and distance of the home from the city. Results showed that parental occupation and education were much more strongly correlated with cognitive development than type of school or district in which the family lived. The authors conclude that equalization of living conditions and schooling over a generation have "failed to override forces that determine the social class distribution of mental performance among children."


2009 ◽  
Vol 62 (7) ◽  
pp. 1011-1039 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charlotte McLeod ◽  
Stephanie O'Donohoe ◽  
Barbara Townley

Advertising in Britain has traditionally been the preserve of a middle-class, public school and Oxbridge-educated workforce. Although this narrow recruitment base is recognized as problematic, the influence of social class on advertising careers remains largely unexplored. This article explores the career trajectories of British advertising creatives from different social class backgrounds and the forms of capital at their disposal. Drawing on life history interviews with creatives, we explore how they got started, got in and got on in advertising careers. In particular, we highlight how the `working-class' creatives struggled to overcome the economic, social and cultural barriers they face in entering the industry. We suggest, however, that once `in', the influence of their social class background was more subtle and less detrimental, due to the social capital they accumulated en route and the value of their distinctive brand of cultural capital.


1980 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 364-383 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrick Dunleavy

Class dealignment in British politics provides a context within which existing interpretations of non-class production cleavages need to be reassessed. In Part 1 of this paper, three approaches are considered which tend to assimilate production locations into occupational or social class—empiricist analyses, Weberian accounts, and radical Weberian/conventional Marxist interpretations. All three focus primarily on unionization, which is seen either as a mediated index of occupational class or as an element of within-class variations in value predispositions also including political alignment. Conventional Marxist approaches alone consider differences between privately and publicly employed workers, but in terms of classifying the social class position of state workers. In contrast to/these approaches, a theory of production sectors is put forward. This interprets the whole range of production locations, especially union/non-union and public/private employment differences, in terms of cross-class interests generated by labour market segmentation between capital sectors. In Part 2 (next issue), this sectoral model is developed in an empirical analysis of production cleavages and party differentiation, and of sectoral influences on political alignment, in contemporary Britain.


2008 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mary L. Nelson ◽  
Kelly L. Huffman ◽  
Stephanie L. Budge ◽  
Rosalilla Mendoza

2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 4-32
Author(s):  
Le Hoang Anh Thu

This paper explores the charitable work of Buddhist women who work as petty traders in Hồ Chí Minh City. By focusing on the social interaction between givers and recipients, it examines the traders’ class identity, their perception of social stratification, and their relationship with the state. Charitable work reveals the petty traders’ negotiations with the state and with other social groups to define their moral and social status in Vietnam’s society. These negotiations contribute to their self-identification as a moral social class and to their perception of trade as ethical labor.


2021 ◽  
pp. 048661342199044
Author(s):  
Wei Zhang ◽  
Zhun Xu

This paper studies the historical evolution of China’s gender relations through the lens of housework time allocation. In particular, we highlight the role played by social class and income. Drawing upon data from the Chinese Health and Nutrition Survey, we find that during the period 1991–2011, being a peasant or earning less than the spouse was increasingly associated with a higher share of housework. The market process appears to have indirectly improved the social status of women (most likely rural women) married to peasant husbands as measured by the former’s declining housework share. Such changes, however, have not challenged traditional patriarchal norms in the countryside and have even facilitated the rise of a new market-based patriarchy. Policy makers should empower women by tackling the different faces of patriarchy as a whole. JEL Classification: B51, J16, P16


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