The Political Implications of Sectoral Cleavages and the Growth of State Employment: Part 1, the Analysis of Production Cleavages

1980 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 364-383 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrick Dunleavy
Keyword(s):  
Social Class ◽  
British Politics ◽  
Occupational Class ◽  
Non Union ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
The Social ◽  
Labour Market Segmentation ◽  
State Employment ◽  
Political Alignment ◽  
Theory Of Production

Class dealignment in British politics provides a context within which existing interpretations of non-class production cleavages need to be reassessed. In Part 1 of this paper, three approaches are considered which tend to assimilate production locations into occupational or social class—empiricist analyses, Weberian accounts, and radical Weberian/conventional Marxist interpretations. All three focus primarily on unionization, which is seen either as a mediated index of occupational class or as an element of within-class variations in value predispositions also including political alignment. Conventional Marxist approaches alone consider differences between privately and publicly employed workers, but in terms of classifying the social class position of state workers. In contrast to/these approaches, a theory of production sectors is put forward. This interprets the whole range of production locations, especially union/non-union and public/private employment differences, in terms of cross-class interests generated by labour market segmentation between capital sectors. In Part 2 (next issue), this sectoral model is developed in an empirical analysis of production cleavages and party differentiation, and of sectoral influences on political alignment, in contemporary Britain.

The Political Implications of Sectoral Cleavages and the Growth of State Employment: Part 2, Cleavage Structures and Political Alignment

1980 ◽  
Vol 28 (4) ◽  
pp. 527-549 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrick Dunleavy
Keyword(s):  
Labour Force ◽  
The Political ◽  
Data Sets ◽  
Non Union ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
Modern Britain ◽  
Sectoral Approach ◽  
State Employment ◽  
Alternative Approaches ◽  
Political Alignment

Part 1 of this paper (last issue) outlined four alternative approaches to the analysis of non-class production cleavages, namely: empiricist electoral analysis, Weberian accounts, radical Weberian/conventional Marxist approaches, and sectoral theory. In Part 2, the sectoral approach is applied in two areas of empirical concern. The first is the analysis of the cleavage structures underlying party differentiation in modern Britain, looking in particular at union/non-union and public/private employment divisions within the labour force. The second area of application is the analysis of influences on political alignment, using two data sets for 1974. The conclusion argues for the greater accuracy and utility of sectoral theory compared with the other three approaches in both these areas, although the available empirical evidence linking sectoral location via unionization to political alignment remains essentially preliminary at this stage.

The Urban Basis of Political Alignment: Social Class, Domestic Property Ownership, and State Intervention in Consumption Processes

1979 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 409-443 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrick Dunleavy
Keyword(s):  
Social Structure ◽  
White Collar ◽  
State Intervention ◽  
Occupational Class ◽  
Social Cleavages ◽  
Trade Unionism ◽  
The Social ◽  
Class Cleavage ◽  
Party Support ◽  
Political Alignment

The declining association between occupational class and political alignment in Britain has now been documented by a number of studies. For the political analyst the decline of a previously important cleavage must raise complex questions of causation. One of the most important possible explanations for such a change is that a new cleavage has arisen or grown in political significance so that its influence on political alignment cross-cuts that of the previous cleavage, blurring its impact and exposing sections of the population to contradictory or cross-pressuring influences. But political commentators in present-day Britain have apparently ruled this out as an explanation of the declining electoral influence of occupational class. Crewe, for example, remarks:It is difficult to think of any social cleavages or fundamental changes in the social structure in the last twenty years that could have affected national partisan alignments in any way comparable to the substitution of the religious cleavage by the class cleavage in the first three decades of this century. Glacially slow changes in the British social structure have undoubtedly taken place. The emergence of coloured immigrant communities, the growth of white collar employment (and of white collar ‘trade unionism’), the movement of agricultural workers to the towns and their displacement by commuters and the retired rich, a further secularization and a growing disparity of income between the organized and unorganized working class are all cases in point. But in all these cases, shifts in party support have been small, often only temporary, and always localized; no shift in the social structure has produced an enduring, nationwide realignment of party support since 1945.

scholarly journals Cultural expressions of social class and their implications for group-related beliefs and behaviors

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julia C. Becker ◽  
Michael W. Kraus ◽  
Michelle Rheinschmidt-Same
Keyword(s):  
Social Class ◽  
Cultural Practices ◽  
Online Social Network ◽  
Group Efficacy ◽  
The Great Recession ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
The Social ◽  
Lack Of Control ◽  
Cultural Expressions ◽  
Subjective Social Class

In the wake of the Great Recession, rising inequality has increased social class disparities between people in society. In this research, we examine how differences in social class shape unique patterns of cultural expression, and how these cultural expressions affirm ingroup beliefs. In Study 1 (N=113), we provide evidence that cultural expressions of social class on an online social network can signal the social class of targets: by simply viewing the cultural practices of individuals captured in uploaded Facebook photographs, individuals express their social class in ways that allow it to be perceived by strangers at levels that are above chance accuracy. In Study 2 (N=78), we provide evidence that individuals express their own ingroup space differently based on social class: Class-specific cultural practices (including interests in education, arts, newspapers, TV, and shopping) have implications for ingroup-related beliefs and political organizing. Individuals who reported being lower in subjective social class, relative to those reporting higher subjective social class, show cultural practices that relate to recognizing the ingroup’s relative lack of control (lower group efficacy) and, in turn, a tendency to remain politically inactive when faced with an ingroup-related social disadvantage. In sum, our research provides evidence suggesting that expressions of culture derived from one’s social class have the capacity to create and maintain social class boundaries between individuals. Practical and political implications are discussed.

Children's Attitudes and British Politics

1971 ◽  
Vol 1 (4) ◽  
pp. 519-520 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. H. Birch
Keyword(s):  
Social Class ◽  
Political Attitudes ◽  
British Politics ◽  
Critical Questions ◽  
Interesting Article ◽  
The Social ◽  
Class Background ◽  
Children's Attitudes ◽  
Type Of School ◽  
British Children

Messrs Dennis, Lindberg and McCrone have written an interesting article 1 in which they draw the conclusion that those of us who have written textbooks about British politics should modify some of our generalizations about British attitudes and traditions. But before we all rush to revise our next editions, I should like to raise some critical questions about thearticle. I will enumerate these to meet the editor's request for brevity, (i) Why are we not told anything about the composition of the sample? It has been shown that political attitudes among British children are related both to the social class of their parents and to the type of school attended, 2 and without any indication of the class background or schools of the children interviewed it is rather difficult to assess the results. It would also be helpful to know exactly when the survey was conducted.

Initial Validation of the Social- Class Identity Dissonance Scale

2008 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mary L. Nelson ◽  
Kelly L. Huffman ◽  
Stephanie L. Budge ◽  
Rosalilla Mendoza
Keyword(s):  
Social Class ◽  
Class Identity ◽  
Initial Validation ◽  
The Social

PENSAMENTO POLÍTICO EM GIORGIO AGAMBEN

Professare ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 109
Author(s):  
Claudemir Aparecido Lopes
Keyword(s):  
Political Freedom ◽  
State Of Exception ◽  
The Political ◽  
State Control ◽  
Giorgio Agamben ◽  
Modern Democracy ◽  
Social Fabric ◽  
Contemporary Politics ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
The Social

<p class="resumoabstract">O professor Giorgio Agamben tem elaborado críticas à engenhosa estrutura política ocidental moderna. Avalia os mecanismos de controle estatal, nos quais os denomina ‘dispositivos’, cuja força está na imbricação às normas jurídico-teológicas com seus similares ritos e liturgias. Suas ocorrências e legitimidade preponderam no tecido social cuja organização sistêmica se põe quase como elemento natural e não cultural. O texto tem por objetivo explorar a concepção política de Agamben sobre a política contemporânea, especialmente considerando seu livro: ‘Estado de Exceção’, cuja investigação apresenta a possibilidade de atenuação dos direitos de cidadania e o enfraquecimento da prática da liberdade política e o processo de relação dos indivíduos no meio social através da redução das subjetividades ‘autênticas’. Analisamos ainda a transferência do mundo sacro elaborado pelos teólogos católicos presente na modernidade à política cuja democracia moderna faz do homem (sujeito) tornar-se objeto do poder político. Faz também, reflexão dos conceitos de subjetivação e dessubjetivação relacionando-os às implicações políticas do homem moderno. A pesquisa é bibliográfica com ênfase na análise dos conceitos elaborados por Agamben, especialmente quanto ao ‘dispositivo’. Conclui que o indivíduo ocidental, de modo geral, sofre o processo de dessubjetivação e está ‘nu’, indefeso e alienado politicamente. Ele precisa voltar-se ao processo de ‘profanação’ dos dispositivos para libertar-se das vinculações orientadoras que forçosamente o descaracteriza enquanto ser ativo e livre.</p><p class="resumoabstract"><strong>Palavras-chave</strong>: Política. Liberdade. Subjetivação.</p><h3>ABSTRACT</h3><p class="resumoabstract">Professor Giorgio Agamben has been criticizing the ingenious modern Western political structure. It evaluates the mechanisms of state control, in which it calls them 'devices', whose strength lies in the overlap with legal-theological norms with their similar rites and liturgies. Its occurrences and legitimacy preponderate in the social fabric whose systemic organization is almost as a natural and not a cultural element. The text aims to explore Agamben's political conception of contemporary politics, especially considering his book 'State of Exception', whose research presents the possibility of attenuating citizenship rights and weakening the practice of political freedom and the individuals in the social environment through the reduction of 'authentic' subjectivities. We also analyze the transfer of the sacred world elaborated by the Catholic theologians present in the modernity to the politics whose modern democracy makes of the man - subject - to become object of the political power. It also reflects on the concepts of subjectivation and desubjectivation, relating them to the political implications of modern man. The research is bibliographical with emphasis in the analysis of the concepts elaborated by Agamben, especially with regard to the 'device'. He concludes that the Western individual, in general, suffers the process of desubjectivation and is 'naked', defenseless and politically alienated. He must turn to the process of 'desecration' of devices to free himself from the guiding bindings that forcibly demeanes him while being active and free.</p><p class="resumoabstract"><strong>Keywords</strong>: Politics. Freedom. Subjectivity. </p><p> </p>

Arabic in Modern Hebrew Texts

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mohamed Ahmed
Keyword(s):  
Creative Writing ◽  
Arabic Language ◽  
Code Switching ◽  
Population Displacement ◽  
Translation Strategies ◽  
Language And Culture ◽  
Mass Migration ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
The Social ◽  
Modern Hebrew

In the late 1950s, Iraqi Jews were either forced or chose to leave Iraq for Israel. Finding it impossible to continue writing in Arabic in Israel, many Iraqi Jewish novelists faced the literary challenge of switching to Hebrew. Focusing on the literary works of the writers Shimon Ballas, Sami Michael and Eli Amir, this book examines their use of their native Iraqi Arabic in their Hebrew works. It examines the influence of Arabic language and culture and explores questions of language, place and belonging from the perspective of sociolinguistics and multilingualism. In addition, the book applies stylistics as a framework to investigate the range of linguistic phenomena that can be found in these exophonic texts, such as code-switching, borrowing, language and translation strategies. This new stylistic framework for analysing exophonic texts offers a future model for the study of other languages. The social and political implications of this dilemma, as it finds expression in creative writing, are also manifold. In an age of mass migration and population displacement, the conflicted loyalties explored in this book through the prism of Arabic and Hebrew are relevant in a range of linguistic contexts.

Doing Bodhisattva’s Work

2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 4-32
Author(s):  
Le Hoang Anh Thu
Keyword(s):  
Social Interaction ◽  
Social Class ◽  
Social Status ◽  
Social Stratification ◽  
Social Groups ◽  
The State ◽  
Ho Chi Minh City ◽  
Class Identity ◽  
The Social

This paper explores the charitable work of Buddhist women who work as petty traders in Hồ Chí Minh City. By focusing on the social interaction between givers and recipients, it examines the traders’ class identity, their perception of social stratification, and their relationship with the state. Charitable work reveals the petty traders’ negotiations with the state and with other social groups to define their moral and social status in Vietnam’s society. These negotiations contribute to their self-identification as a moral social class and to their perception of trade as ethical labor.

Conclusion

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Janet O'Shea
Keyword(s):  
Public Health ◽  
Public Health Problem ◽  
Fair Play ◽  
Competitive Sports ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
The Social ◽  
Physical Play ◽  
The World ◽  
Right Wing Populism

This section contends with a central irony: Americans are among the most competitive people in the world, and yet we are among the least likely to play competitive sports in adulthood. This exercise gap is usually treated as a public health problem; the goal of this section is to treat it as a social and cultural concern. The conclusion therefore investigates the social and political implications of an American tendency to outsource physical play to experts: higher levels of fear, increased preoccupation with success at all costs, decreased creativity, and increasing rigidity of perspective and position. Specifically, the conclusion maintains that a neglect of fair play has dire consequences for democracy, a suggestion born out by the recent swing toward right-wing populism in politics.

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