Parliamentary Careers in the Canadian Federal State

1989 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 137-145 ◽  
Author(s):  
Doreen Barrie ◽  
Roger Gibbins

AbstractThe authors examine the political career paths followed by the 3,803 individuals who served in the House of Commons and/or Senate between 1867 and 1984 inclusive. Given Joseph Schlesinger's argument that career patterns significantly affect political integration in federal states, particular attention is paid to the provincial experience of national parliamentarians, and to variations in that experience over time and across regions. The data show that national recruitment from provincial legislatures has declined over time, and is particularly uncommon in Ontario and Quebec. Overall, the structure of political careers in Canada is bifurcated rather than integrated; politicians do not move through the ranks but rather face a choice between provincial or national careers.

Author(s):  
Richard S. Katz ◽  
Peter Mair

Rather than being unitary actors, each party is a political system in itself, with three major “faces”: the party in public office; the party central office; and the party on the ground. Over time, the balance of power within parties has shifted, to support the dominance of the party in public office. This evolution has been accompanied by institutional changes, and it has been supported by the growing similarity of the positions of members of the party in public office (responsibilities of governing; exigencies of professional political careers) regardless of the political complexion of their parties or the demands of their members.


2020 ◽  
pp. 181-205
Author(s):  
Marlena Piotrowska

The article focuses on the first steps in the political career of female politicians from the Christian Democratic Union (CDU) and the Christian Social Union (CSU), who assumed top political positions at the federal level in Germany between 1991 and 2018. The author analyses when the female leaders of the CDU and CSU took their first parliamentary seats in the German Bundestag, when they obtained the first leading positions at the federal level, and also how many years after joining the party this took place. It is also interesting whether top female politicians took their first parliamentary seats through votes in direct districts or thanks to the party list (second votes). Do the career paths of the female politicians from the Christian Democrats fit the model of typical career paths, or do they also include those who have avoided key positions on their way to the top?


2021 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 156-160
Author(s):  
Christian Hey

The role of the federal states (Länder) in Germany’s sustainability transformation has received comparatively little attention in the political science literature. This article examines the contributions, capacities and competencies of the Länder in relation to Germany’s sustainability transformation with a focus on the role of Hesse. Hesse is a particularly interesting federal state to consider as it introduced a differentiated and demanding sustainable development policy already in 2008.


2014 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 1-15 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andreas M. Wüst

This article is about immigrant-origin politicians running for a Bundestag mandate in the 2013 election. Patterns of candidacy, electoral success and failure of the respective candidates and parliamentarians are systematically analyzed. The main finding is that politicians of immigrant origin are serious contenders for seats in the Bundestag, and political parties seem to have quite some interest in their election. It is increasingly the second immigrant generation that is involved politically, and, as the career patterns indicate, it is likely that many of them are going to stay longer in politics. Consequently, a closer look at immigrant-origin candidates and parliamentarians is of merit for both the study of parliamentary representation and of the political integration of immigrants and their descendants.


Author(s):  
Avi Max Spiegel

This chapter seeks to understand how Islamist movements have evolved over time, and, in the process, provide important background on the political and religious contexts of the movements in question. In particular, it shows that Islamist movements coevolve. Focusing on the histories of Morocco's two main Islamist movements—the Justice and Spirituality Organization, or Al Adl wal Ihsan (Al Adl) and the Party of Justice and Development (PJD)—it suggests that their evolutions can only be fully appreciated if they are relayed in unison. These movements mirror one another depending on the competitive context, sometimes reflecting, sometimes refracting, sometimes borrowing, sometimes adapting or even reorganizing in order to keep up with the other.


2019 ◽  
Vol 62 (7) ◽  
pp. 110-123
Author(s):  
Vladimir Y. Bystrov ◽  
Vladimir M. Kamnev

The article discusses the attitude of Georg Lukács and his adherents who formed a circle “Techeniye” (lit. “current”) toward the phenomenon of Stalinism. Despite the political nature of the topic, the authors are aspired to provide an unbiased research. G. Lukács’ views on the theory and practice of Stalinism evolved over time. In the 1920s Lukács welcomes the idea of creation of socialism in one country and abandons the former revolutionary ideas expressed in his book History and Class Consciousness. This turn is grounded by new interpretation of Hegel as “realistic” thinker whose “realism” was shown in the aspiration to find “reconciliation” with reality (of the Prussian state) and in denial of any utopias. The philosophical evolution leading to “realism” assumes integration of revolutionaries into the hierarchy of existing society. The article “Hölderlin’s Hyperion” represents attempt to justify Stalinism as a necessary and “progressive” phase of revolutionary development of the proletariat. Nevertheless, events of the second half of the 1930s (mass repressions, the peace treaty with Nazi Germany) force Lukács to realize the catastrophic nature of political strategy of Stalinism. In his works, Lukács ceases to analyze political topics and concentrates on problems of aesthetics and literary criticism. However, his aesthetic position allows to reconstruct the changed political views and to understand why he had earned the reputation of the “internal opponent” to Stalinism. After 1956, Lukács turns to political criticism of Stalinism, which nevertheless remains unilateral. He sees in Stalinism a kind of the left sectarianism, the theory and practice of the implementation of civil war measures in the era of peaceful co-existence of two systems.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 81-104
Author(s):  
Dima Kortukov

Abstract The concept of sovereign democracy dominated the political discourse in Russia in 2006–8 but lost much of its significance since. In this article, I argue that sovereign democracy is best understood as the response of Russia’s authorities to the threats of democratization, following Eurasian color revolutions. I distinguish between three conceptually distinct aspects of sovereign democracy: (1) a social contract (2) a legitimation discourse; and (3) a counter-revolutionary praxis. These dimensions allow us to understand what functions sovereign democracy fulfilled within the framework of Russia’s authoritarian regime and why it lost its prominence over time.


Author(s):  
Ben Epstein

This chapter shifts the focus to the third and final stabilization phase of the political communication cycle (PCC). During the stabilization phase, a new political communication order (PCO) takes shape through the building of norms, institutions, and regulations that serve to fix the newly established status quo in place. This status quo occurs when formerly innovative political communication activities become mundane, yet remain powerful. Much of the chapter details the pattern of communication regulation and institution construction over time. In particular, this chapter explores the instructive similarities and key differences between the regulation of radio and the internet, which offers important perspectives on the significance of our current place in the PCC and the consequences of choices that will be made over the next few years.


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