Like-minded Nations and Contrasting Diplomatic Styles: Australian and Canadian Approaches to Agricultural Trade

1992 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 349-379 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Fenton Cooper
Keyword(s):  
Economic Policy ◽  
Policy Making ◽  
International System ◽  
Agricultural Trade ◽  
Policy Options ◽  
International Level ◽  
Foreign Economic Policy ◽  
Reinforcing Factors ◽  
Policy Making Process ◽  
Domestic Level

AbstractThe pairing of Australia and Canada has become a rich source of comparative studies with respect to foreign economic policy. This matching has been largely inspired by the like-mindedness of the two countries. Yet, if Australia and Canada may be said to have similar objectives in terms of the international system, the methods through which they have attempted to pursue these objectives have differed sharply. Using international-level and domestic-level modes of analysis, this article explains the reasons for the contrasting style in the case of agricultural trade. It is demonstrated that a number of mutually reinforcing factors combine to give a tough-minded quality to Australia's approach. In contrast, because of both a greater complexity in the domestic policy-making process and the range of foreign policy options, Canada's style in the agricultural trade issue has become increasingly nuanced.

Economic culture and foreign policy: the cognitive analysis of economic policy making

1987 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-92 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Egon Rohrlich
Keyword(s):  
Economic Policy ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
International System ◽  
The State ◽  
Economic Policies ◽  
Foreign Economic Policy ◽  
Economic Culture ◽  
Policy Objectives ◽  
Distribution Of Power ◽  
Hans Morgenthau

Political scientists researching economic foreign policy have generally taken one of two analytic approaches. The first is based on realpolitik, the traditional application of “high” politics to the “low” politics of economics. This approach considers economics subordinate to politics. The concept of the national interest dominates; the pursuit of power—what enables the state to achieve its goals of security, welfare, and other societal values—is seen to underlie most actions. The study of foreign economic policy is thus an analysis of the distribution of power among states within the international system. By understanding a state's sources of strength and areas of vulnerability in relation to other states, the analyst will better understand the creation of foreign policy. Hans Morgenthau notes that while states may sometimes pursue economic policies for their own sake (in which case they should take little interest in their success), the more important economic policies they will favor are instruments of political power.Stephen Krasner views the state as an autonomously motivated actor, able to guide policy in pursuit of state priorities while resisting interest groups and ideologies. According to this “power theory”, the state tries to increase its economic competitiveness, ensure security of material needs, and promote its broad foreign-policy objectives. Economic policy is for the most part subordinate to and best explained by state priorities and prerogatives. Robert Tucker, Klaus Knorr, Robert Gilpin and others have also adopted this framework.

Japanese Foreign Economic Policy Formation: Explaining the Reactive State

1988 ◽  
Vol 40 (4) ◽  
pp. 517-541 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kent E. Calder
Keyword(s):  
Economic Policy ◽  
Technology Policy ◽  
International System ◽  
Policy Formation ◽  
Institutional Characteristics ◽  
Foreign Economic Policy ◽  
State Behavior ◽  
Economic Interests ◽  
Middle Range ◽  
Energy Trade

The concept of the “reactive state” is useful in understanding the foreign economic policy behavior of Japan and certain other middle-range powers deeply integrated in the global political economy, particularly during periods of economic turbulence when international regimes do not fully safeguard their economic interests. The essential characteristics of the reactive state are two-fold: (1) it fails to undertake major independent foreign-policy initiatives although it has the power and national incentives to do so; (2) it responds to outside pressure for change, albeit erratically, unsystematically, and often incompletely.In the Japanese case, reactive state behavior flows from domestic institutional characteristics as well as from the structure of the international system. Domestic features such as bureaucratic fragmentation, political factionalism, powerful mass media, and the lack of a strong central executive have played an especially important part in Japanese financial, energy, trade, and technology policy formation since 1971.

scholarly journals Federal vs. Central Foreign Policy German Foreign Policy Structure An Analysis of Decision-Making Process

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rebin Dr. Fard
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Policy Making ◽  
Research Method ◽  
Research Question ◽  
German Foreign Policy ◽  
Decision Making Process ◽  
Policy Structure ◽  
Policy Making Process ◽  
Domestic Level

<p>To answer the research question , I focus on the domestic level to draw up a profile of the German foreign policy making process. For the analysis content analysis is used as a research method in order to examine the legitimate actors who make foreign policy decisions and determine the guidelines of German foreign policy. </p>

scholarly journals Article.docx

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rebin Dr. Fard
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Content Analysis ◽  
Policy Making ◽  
Research Method ◽  
Research Question ◽  
German Foreign Policy ◽  
Policy Decisions ◽  
Policy Making Process ◽  
Domestic Level

<p>To answer the research question , I focus on the domestic level to draw up a profile of the German foreign policy making process. For the analysis content analysis is used as a research method in order to examine the legitimate actors who make foreign policy decisions and determine the guidelines of German foreign policy. </p>

Dezintegracja, konsolidacja czy status quo? Kryzys modernizacji w Unii Europejskiej a poszukiwanie nowego paradygmatu integracji

2015 ◽  
pp. 26-46 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kamil Ławniczak
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Policy Making ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
The Political ◽  
Policy Options ◽  
Social Phenomena ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Eu Governance ◽  
Policy Making Process ◽  
The Eu

“Taking ideas seriously” means not only to consider their causal and constitutive role in the study of social phenomena, but also to analyse how and why certain ideas gain or lose prominence within political institutions and discourses. One approach to these issues builds upon the notion of policy paradigms, which influence the results of policy-making process by shaping the political actors’ understanding of problems that need to be solved and limiting available policy options. This article attempts to show how the ability to modernise the EU governance within the paradigm of European integration heading towards “an ever closer union among the peoples of Europe” has been called into question by the crisis which began in 2008. Two potential new paradigms of integration are considered: first one suggests controlled disintegration and differentiation of EU structures, second one proposes a reinterpretation of federalism as a way to reconsolidate the Union.

Contesting the “Corrupt Elites,” Creating the “Pure People,” and Renegotiating the Hierarchies of the International Order? Populism and Foreign Policy-Making in Turkey and Hungary

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fulya Hisarlıoğlu ◽  
Lerna K Yanık ◽  
Umut Korkut ◽  
İlke Civelekoğlu
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Policy Making ◽  
International System ◽  
International Order ◽  
Vertical Stratification ◽  
International Level ◽  
Foreign Policies ◽  
The Creation ◽  
Do So

Abstract This article explores the link between populism and hierarchies in international relations by examining the recent foreign policy-making in Turkey and Hungary—two countries run by populist leaders. We argue that when populists bring populism into foreign policy, they do so by contesting the “corrupt elites” of the international order and, simultaneously, attempt to create the “pure people” transnationally. The populists contest the “eliteness” and leadership status of these “elites” and the international order and its institutions, that is, the “establishment,” that these “elites” have come to represent by challenging them both in discourse and in action. The creation of the “pure people” happens by discursively demarcating the “underprivileged” of the international order as a subcategory based on religion and supplementing them with aid, thus mimicking the distributive strategies of populism, this time at the international level. We illustrate that when populist leaders, insert populism into foreign policies of their respective states, through contesting the “corrupt elites” and creating the “pure people,” the built-in vertical stratification mechanisms of populism that stems from the antagonistic binaries inherent to populism provide them with the necessary superiority and inferiority labels allowing them to renegotiate hierarchies in the international system in an attempt to modify the existing ones or to create new ones.

The State, Organized Interests and Canadian Agricultural Trade Policy: The Impact of Institutions

1992 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 319-347 ◽  
Author(s):  
Grace Skogstad
Keyword(s):  
Economic Policy ◽  
Trade Agreement ◽  
Agricultural Trade ◽  
Negotiation Process ◽  
Agricultural Commodities ◽  
Foreign Economic Policy ◽  
International Trading ◽  
State Group ◽  
National Governments ◽  
The Impact

AbstractThis article examines the Canada-United States Free Trade Agreement (FTA) with the objective of explaining the inclusion of agriculture in the FTA, the negotiation process surrounding the FTA and the outcomes with respect to agricultural commodities. It departs from both the systemic and state-centred models which have dominated Canadian foreign economic policy to argue that, while developments in the international trading system are important factors in explaining Canada's decision to pursue the FTA, the negotiation process and outcomes of the FTA are importantly accounted for in terms of domestic institutions: specifically, state-societal linkages in combination with federal structures. Evidence that the autonomy and capacity of national trade officials was constrained throughout the negotiation process and in terms of the FTA provisions regarding agricultural commodities requires a re-formulation of foreign economic policy-making that links it to the domestic institutional context. Within the latter, the sub-national governments, in combination with durable state-group policy networks, are important factors.

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