Following Suit or Falling Behind? A Comparative Analysis of Think Tanks in Canada and the United States

1998 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 525-555 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donald E. Abelson ◽  
Christine M. Carberry

AbstractPolicy institutes, or think tanks, have become increasingly visible on the political landscape. However, their policy role has varied in different countries. This article seeks to explain why, compared to think tanks in the United States, Canadian institutes have maintained a relatively modest presence in the policy-making community. Although many Canadian think tanks have made concerted efforts to replicate the strategies of their American counterparts, they have had far less success employing them in an effective and meaningful manner. While many American think tanks have both the resources and the opportunities to convey ideas to policy makers, Canadian organizations must overcome institutional, cultural and economic barriers before they can play a decisive role in policy-making circles. This article also makes reference to the experiences of think tanks in some parliamentary systems, notably Great Britain, to demonstrate that although these barriers are formidable and need to be addressed in some detail, they are not insurmountable.

2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 77
Author(s):  
Omed Rafiq Fattah

Today, think tanks and research centers are the most important indictors to assess the state development and expect the possibilities for the future. According to academic and scientific perception, these think tanks offer scientific research and analysis for all the issues and problems facing the state. From this perspective, the think tanks deals with the causes of the problems, offer recommendations and solutions. This research is mainly an attempt to investigate the obstacles and opportunities of the think tanks in Kurdistan region. By doing this, we can determine the capability of Kurdistan in terms of research, and also we can inform the Kurdish decision makers in Kurdistan that in today's world the process of making decision is not related with the personal mood or personalization, but rational. For instance, the policy makers in the modern countries such as the United States, in their decisions and public policy largely depend on the recommendations and solutions that are given by think tanks, which is why the United States allocates large amounts of money for think


2000 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 173-191 ◽  
Author(s):  
JAMES C. GARAND ◽  
MARCI GLASCOCK LICHTL

In recent years the study of divided government has been a growth industry. Numerous scholars have sought to explain patterns of divided government in the United States, while others have attempted to explore the consequences of the phenomenon. No doubt this scholarly interest in the subject is due in large part to the attention paid by the political media to divided control of the presidency and Congress during the 1980s, as well as the resulting ’gridlock‘ that dominated policy making in Washington during that time period.


1991 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 38-48
Author(s):  
David S. Wiley

Late in the 1980s, several major U.S. private foundations concluded that the concern for Africa in the country was weak. This weakness was reflected in the faint focus on U.S. foreign policy toward Africa in all three branches of government, in the halting voice for Africa or for U.S. interests there in the non-governmental organizations (think-tanks, religious organizations, lobbies), and in the small concern for U.S. policy or for affecting it in the African studies scholarly community. Indeed, the voice for Africa in the United States was neither strong nor effective.


Author(s):  
Lee S. Friedman

This chapter reviews the development and growth of the policy-analytic profession. Historically, government decision makers have often called upon those with expertise to assist them in reaching their decisions. This chapter, however, concerns a new professional class of advisors that began developing during the 1950s in the United States. This new profession assists policy makers in understanding better their alternatives and relevant considerations for choosing among them. From here, the chapter offers some perspective on the research to date that has attempted to assess the effects of the profession—a perspective that emphasizes some important differences across the many types of governmental settings that utilize policy analysis, and the methodological difficulties that assessment efforts confront.


Author(s):  
Sappho Xenakis ◽  
Leonidas K. Cheliotis

There is no shortage of scholarly and other research on the reciprocal relationship that inequality bears to crime, victimisation and contact with the criminal justice system, both in the specific United States context and beyond. Often, however, inequality has been studied in conjunction with only one of the three phenomena at issue, despite the intersections that arguably obtain between them–and, indeed, between their respective connections with inequality itself. There are, moreover, forms of inequality that have received far less attention in pertinent research than their prevalence and broader significance would appear to merit. The purpose of this chapter is dual: first, to identify ways in which inequality’s linkages to crime, victimisation and criminal justice may relate to one another; and second, to highlight the need for a greater focus than has been placed heretofore on the role of institutionalised inequality of access to the political process, particularly as this works to bias criminal justice policy-making towards the preferences of financially motivated state lobbying groups at the expense of disadvantaged racial minorities. In so doing, the chapter singles out for analysis the US case and, more specifically, engages with key extant explanations of the staggering rise in the use of imprisonment in the country since the 1970s.


2020 ◽  
Vol 84 (1) ◽  
pp. 141-157 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zoe M Oxley ◽  
Mirya R Holman ◽  
Jill S Greenlee ◽  
Angela L Bos ◽  
J Celeste Lay

Abstract What do children think about political leaders? In classic political socialization studies of the late 1950s, children tended to hold idealized views of political leaders. In spite of enormous changes in the political landscape, we know little about how these attitudes have changed in the last 60 years. To assess the views of children today, we surveyed over 500 elementary school children (grades 1–6) in the United States. Children no longer possess favorable views of the president. However, the institution of the presidency continues to be held in high esteem.


2002 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 119-128
Author(s):  
Hubert Seiwert

The article comments on Irving Hexham and Karla Poewe's analysis of German anticult policy. It argues that the concept of verfassungsfeindlich (hostile to the constitution), which according to Hexham and Poewe is central in German anticult rhetoric, is used only against Scientology, and it does not play any significant role in other cases. The anticult climate in German public and government reactions to minority religions does not appear to be more intense than in many other European countries. It is not convincing, therefore, to explain them with specific German historical experiences. However, religion does hold a lower position on the scale of constitutional rights than in the United States. Freedom of religion may not impinge upon other constitutional rights. Government involvement in anticult activities does not seem to be due to shortcomings of the political or legal system. Rather it reflects deficiencies in actual policy-making and in particular lack of reliable information about new religious movements.


Subject Prospects for the United States to end-2021. Significance The political landscape for the remainder of the year will be dominated by internal Democratic efforts to secure support for the White House agenda from various factions of the party. With the Biden administration’s momentum slowing as it faces the challenge of converting initiatives into legislation, the second half of 2021 is likely to see the White House placing a greater emphasis on foreign affairs.


2013 ◽  
Vol 46 (04) ◽  
pp. 872-874
Author(s):  
Amir Fairdosi

As the United States Congress began its 113th session, 72 freshman members arrived on Capitol Hill to represent their congressional districts for the first time. It would be universally heralded as the most diverse freshman class in history, containing four new African Americans, 10 new Latinos, five new Asian Americans, 24 new women, the first two Hindus, the first Buddhist, the first non-theist to openly acknowledge her belief prior to getting elected, and four new LGBT members, including the first openly bisexual congresswomen and the first openly gay congressman of color. But for all their diversity, each of them had at least one thing in common: none of them had ever been a member of Congress before. How do freshman policy-makers legislate? What unique challenges do they face? What accounts for variations in their legislative activity?


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