Pour l'abandon du fétichisme de la dépolitisation

1974 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 32-51
Author(s):  
Yokhanan Manor

Towards the abandonment of the fetishism of depoliticizationThe problem of the politics of administration is generally badly stated. The notion of politicization is opposed to that of depoliticization, without offering a precise definition of the two terms. There is a double origin to this false problem. First, the depoliticization of the administration appears to be dictated by the progress of rationality. Secondly, political circles show a will or an assent to shield public administrators from political debate. One is thus led to conceive of the politicization of administration in a narrow and negative way, a fact which falsifies the discussion of the problem. On the other hand, if one sees politicization as a phenomenon of interpenetration and influence, in both senses, between the administrative and the political sectors of the system, one widens the full significance of the problem and is led to treat it in a positive manner. The three criteria espoused by Caiden and Raphaeli are employed in this analysis, even if they call for serious reservations. The case studies are those of Great Britain, France, and Israel. In the course of the three studies, an inventory is established of both the negative and positive effects of politicization of the administration. The phenomenon appears finally as irreducible. That is why one has to abandon the fetishism of depoliticization in order to become aware or to become conscious again of the intrinsic politicization of the administration, the effects of which are not only baleful.

Author(s):  
Ross McKibbin

This book is an examination of Britain as a democratic society; what it means to describe it as such; and how we can attempt such an examination. The book does this via a number of ‘case-studies’ which approach the subject in different ways: J.M. Keynes and his analysis of British social structures; the political career of Harold Nicolson and his understanding of democratic politics; the novels of A.J. Cronin, especially The Citadel, and what they tell us about the definition of democracy in the interwar years. The book also investigates the evolution of the British party political system until the present day and attempts to suggest why it has become so apparently unstable. There are also two chapters on sport as representative of the British social system as a whole as well as the ways in which the British influenced the sporting systems of other countries. The book has a marked comparative theme, including one chapter which compares British and Australian political cultures and which shows British democracy in a somewhat different light from the one usually shone on it. The concluding chapter brings together the overall argument.


2008 ◽  
Vol 26 (12) ◽  
pp. 3897-3912 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. D. DeJong ◽  
A. J. Ridley ◽  
C. R. Clauer

Abstract. During steady magnetospheric convection (SMC) events the magnetosphere is active, yet there are no data signatures of a large scale reconfiguration, such as a substorm. While this definition has been used for years it fails to elucidate the true physics that is occurring within the magnetosphere, which is that the dayside merging rate and the nightside reconnection rate balance. Thus, it is suggested that these events be renamed Balanced Reconnection Intervals (BRIs). This paper investigates four diverse BRI events that support the idea that new name for these events is needed. The 3–4 February 1998 event falls well into the classic definition of an SMC set forth by Sergeev et al. (1996), while the other challenge some previous notions about SMCs. The 15 February 1998 event fails to end with a substorm expansion and concludes as the magnetospheric activity slowly quiets. The third event, 22–23 December 2000, begins with a slow build up of magnetospheric activity, thus there is no initiating substorm expansion. The last event, 17 February 1998, is more active (larger AE, AL and cross polar cap potential) than previously studied SMCs. It also has more small scale activity than the other events studied here.


1998 ◽  
Vol 30 (7) ◽  
pp. 1219-1234 ◽  
Author(s):  
M Woods

The author explores the place of animals in rural politics. Recognising that rurality is socially constructed by its participants, he examines how animals are represented in constructs of the rural and in political debates arising from contests between conflicting constructs. In particular, two case studies are discussed—one concerning an attempt to ban staghunting on public-owned land in Somerset; the other concerning the so-called ‘BSE crisis' in Britain in 1996. In both cases representations of animals are mobilised in support of discourses of rurality and nature and particular political objectives. Yet, although animals are central to these debates, they are also voiceless and powerless and remain marginalised from the political process.


2011 ◽  
Vol 39 (5) ◽  
pp. 652-673 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adam Tyson

Abstract From 1998 onwards Indonesia’s reform era (reformasi) has captured the imagination of growing numbers of observers, experts and scholars. Policies of decentralisation and enhanced public participation projects have reawakened old debates surrounding indigenous rights, power and status. This article examines the dilemma of special rights, particularly those related to the political revival of customs and traditions (adat istiadat). Calls for exigent recognition and redistributive rights for particular groups and ‘unique’ village communities frequently take the form of indirect regulatory negotiations and direct struggles for land. Case studies from Sulawesi are therefore used to examine heavily contested processes of decentralisation and local autonomy, which in many respects enable the revival of local adat. Distinctions are made between static and fluid views of adat, between being special by virtue of birthright on the one hand, and becoming indigenous by way of deliberate political intervention and mobilisation on the other.


1967 ◽  
Vol 29 (4) ◽  
pp. 526-535 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gerard F. Rutan

Almost thirty years ago Nicholas Mansergh concluded that the political parties in Northern Ireland did not fulfill the needs of the political system: that (to put his statement in more contemporary terms) the input functions, particularly that of political socialization, were enfeebled to the extent that one party constituted a permanent government while the other became an equally permanent opposition. What is more, underlying the party system and within the political society itself there existed no consensus on fundamentals: “There is no residue of political beliefs—as in Great Britain and the Free State—acceptable to both parties.”


Author(s):  
Raquel Platero Méndez

In the course of less than forty  years, the Spanish political and cultural scenario has changed drastically, particularly in relation to civil rights. Social movements, especially feminist and LGBT (Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender) organizations, have been successful in putting demands on the political agenda that have translated into gender equality, same-sex and transgender laws. Looking at definitions of equality, this article explores the implications of some postmodern theories that promote the analysis of political intersectionality for some of the recent laws that are presented as progressive and transformative in Spanish policy making. The analysis will explore two case studies:  samesex marriage and equality policy law texts, discussing the conception of intersectionality and equality. In addition, the definition of the feminist political strategy in which these policies are framed is addressed. Both case studies show that the policies are conceptualized within a liberal and assimilationist framework, since neither the male norm nor the sexual order is profoundly questioned.


2013 ◽  
pp. 42-68
Author(s):  
Gillian S. Howard ◽  
Tony Williams

The Equality Act 2010 (EqA) (which applies in Great Britain and not in Northern Ireland) replaces the Disability Discrimination Act 1995 (DDA) and all the other antidiscrimination statutes and regulations (e.g. Sex Discrimination Act 1975; Race Relations Act 1976). The EqA has updated, added to, and consolidated the various definitions of discrimination that existed in the previous legislation. It makes discrimination because of various ‘protected characteristics’ unlawful. Disability is one of the ‘protected characteristics’. This chapter focuses on the disability discrimination provisions of the EqA but covers some of the other ‘protected characteristics’ in passing. Originally, antidiscrimination legislation was piecemeal, inadequate, and disparate. The EqA has pulled together the various pieces of antidiscrimination legislation, added explicit detail in some areas (e.g. includes a new definition of indirect disability discrimination), new concepts (e.g. ‘discrimination on the grounds of combined characteristics’) and modified the former approach under the disability discrimination legislation concerning comparisons with an ‘able-bodied’ person. These issues are explained in the following sections.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (02) ◽  
pp. 347-363
Author(s):  
Muhammad Angga Ramdhan

The rise of nationalism values among democratic election in Western Europe had brought back the trend of classical realism in current international relations. Brexit phenomena, in which Great Britain choose to withdraw from European Union membership, is not separated from the trend. The phenomena become interesting case studies when compared to Indonesian election in 2019 where national resilience becomes the political focus. Using classical realism, this article aimed to understand why populism movement based on national resilience values was accepted in Brexit referendum but insignificant in Indonesian election. From the inquiries, this article concludes that populism movement emphasizing threats and nationalistic approach works in Great Britain due to instability caused by migrant, while Indonesia was much stable due to stronger national resilience against threats.


2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 15-27
Author(s):  
Hendri Kusnadi ◽  
Albert I Ketut Deni Wijaya

Marriage is a partnership between man and woman who have been baptized. It is monogamous and inseverable in nature. Dealing with the characteristic of catholic marriage, the church forbids the mixed marriage to occur. The prohibition is an attempt of the church to protect the Catholics’ faith from the risk of mixed marriage. In the other hands, the church creates a policy which is in the form of permission for mixed marriage. Further, this kind of marriage has impacts towards the church life. One of the impacts is causing intolerance in which the Catholics become inactive in the church life. Regarding the effect of interfaith marriage towards the involvement of church life as Christians, some problems are formulated such as : 1) what is the definition of interfaith marriage? 2) how is the church life of the people who commit interfaith marriage as Christians3) What are the effects of interfaith marriage towards their church life? In this research, Qualitative method is applied. Mean while, the method of interviewing (structural) is used to collect the data. The direct interviews are conducted privately between the parties. Moreover, the respondents of this research are the Catholics who undertake a mixed marriage at chapelry of Saint Vincentius A Paulo Jenangan. Based on the result of the research, there are three things which are found. First, people have lack of understanding about interfaith marriage. They are unable to differentiate between mixed marriage of different religion or church. Besides, they do not really understand the process of gaining permission to undertake the marriage. Second, people are not active in doing the activities in the church. They said that they only involved in 2 fields out of 5 church duties. Furthermore, there are negative effects of interfaith marriage, that is the intolerance of a party who is not catholic. In the case, the intolerance itself is the different opinion which causes anger and always be brought up. However, there are also some positive effects which appears from interfaith marriage. One of them is the tolerance of a non-Catholic party who always reminds his or her partner to go to the church.


2017 ◽  
pp. 35-38
Author(s):  
Alex Ovsienko

The discussions on the ban on burka in Germany started on November the 15 th. 2015 as the party convention of the CSU (a Bavarian part of the ruling CDU) demanded on its party convention to pass the law which would ban the wearing on facial veils in Germany. In the next months the discussion intensified in Germany as more and more politicians got involved in the debate , like the prominent German member of the Free Democratic Party Alexander Graf Lamsdorf or Wolfgang Kubicki, the vice chairman of the FDP which were both in favor of the ban, on the other side there are German politicians like the President of Germany Joachim Gauck or the German minister of justice Heiko Maas who were opposed to ban the wearing of facial veils in Germany.


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