“Reading More Newspapers and Voting Less?” A Rejoinder to Pattie and Johnston

2004 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 185-188
Author(s):  
Henry Milner
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Voter Turnout ◽  
Civic Literacy ◽  
The Relationship

In their article, C. J. Pattie and R. J. Johnston (2003) do me the honour of putting a key aspect of my approach to the relationship between civic literacy and political participation to the test. Do recent British data, they ask, confirm my expectation that newspaper reading enhances civic literacy, and thus voter turnout? Though I am gratified that they chose to address this issue, and in such a thorough manner, and though there is much in the article which is valuable, I must ultimately take issue with their methodology and, thus, the central conclusion they draw.

scholarly journals Do Populist Parties Increase Voter Turnout? Evidence From Over 40 Years of Electoral History in 31 European Democracies

2020 ◽  
pp. 003232172092325 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arndt Leininger ◽  
Maurits J Meijers
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Voter Turnout ◽  
Party System ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Party Competition ◽  
Eastern European ◽  
Quality Of Democracy ◽  
Empirical Tests ◽  
The Relationship

While some consider populist parties to be a threat to liberal democracy, others have argued that populist parties may positively affect the quality of democracy by increasing political participation of citizens. This supposition, however, has hitherto not been subjected to rigorous empirical tests. The voter turnout literature, moreover, has primarily focused on stable institutional and party system characteristics – ignoring more dynamic determinants of voter turnout related to party competition. To fill this double gap in the literature, we examine the effect of populist parties, both left and right, on aggregate-level turnout in Western and Eastern European parliamentary elections. Based on a dataset on 315 elections in 31 European democracies since 1970s, we find that turnout is higher when populist parties are represented in parliament prior to an election in Eastern Europe, but not in Western Europe. These findings further our understanding of the relationship between populism, political participation and democracy.

A Note on Overseas Chinese Political Participation in Urban Malaya

1970 ◽  
Vol 64 (1) ◽  
pp. 177-178
Author(s):  
Alvin Rabushka
Keyword(s):  
North America ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Voter Turnout ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Large Measure ◽  
Transitional Societies ◽  
Using Data ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Industrial Societies

The object of this note is to demonstrate that generalizations about political participation may be invalid when applied to “developing” or “transitional” societies. Specifically, the relationship between rates of voter turnout and levels of education for urban Chinese in Malaya is not consistent with results reported for Western societies.A geographical classification of bibliographic entries in Lester Milbrath's Political Participation discloses a very interesting statistic: only 3 of the 288 listed entries concern the transitional societies of Asia, Africa and Latin America. The lack of data on developing areas may, in large measure, explain the emphasis placed on studies of political participation in North America and Western Europe. Although there is more research on transitional societies today, most studies still focus on advanced industrial societies. The validity of the generalizations presented in Political Participation, therefore, is restricted to North America and Western Europe.Using data collected in Malaya (1957), I examine four of Milbrath's hypotheses. These include:(1) higher education increases participation (p.122);(2) middle-aged persons participate more than young or old persons (p. 134);(3) men are more likely to participate than women (p. 133); and(4) religion affects participation (p. 137).

scholarly journals The Possibilities of Internet Voting in Jamaica: Moving from Convenience to Fixing the Problem of Voter Apathy among the Youth

2020 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Information And Communication Technologies ◽  
Voter Turnout ◽  
Communication Technologies ◽  
The Internet ◽  
Internet Voting ◽  
Recent Scholarship ◽  
Information And Communication ◽  
Political Apathy ◽  
The Relationship

Recent scholarship recognises the importance of information and communication technologies (ICT), particularly the Internet, and its focus on ways to overcome challenges to political participation. The advent of Internet voting or I‑voting in encouraging youth political participation has been framed within the context of convenience voting which can help to strengthen democracy by encouraging voting, especially among apathetic youth. This paper explores the relationship between Internet voting and youth political participation in the Jamaican society through a survey of 600 youth. The findings suggest that while it may not substantially reduce apathy, which is more intricately linked to perceived overarching systemic failures, Internet voting holds the potential to improve voter turnout at the polls. While convenience was not a major factor driving political apathy, it was an important factor in encouraging participation at the polls.

Local Improvement Districts as Political Participation Signals

2020 ◽  
pp. 147892992096578
Author(s):  
Dan Ziebarth
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Voter Turnout ◽  
Socioeconomic Development ◽  
Local Politics ◽  
Original Data ◽  
Data Set ◽  
Local Improvement ◽  
State And Local ◽  
The Relationship

A significant amount of literature has inspected the relationship between public–private partnerships and state and local government. This literature has focused primarily on how these agreements shape financing, economic development, and public policy measures. There is little research, however, on how improvement districts may affect political participation. There are many reasons to believe that these districts may raise levels of political participation, as they deeply affect state and local politics and shape the socioeconomic development of local communities. This article fills this gap in the literature by exploring the relationship between the establishment of local improvement districts and voter participation rates. An original data set is constructed from 18 state assembly districts and 22 local improvement districts in New York City across nine elections between 2002 and 2018, resulting in 198 unique observations across time. Empirical results reflect how the development of improvement districts can serve as signals for rising political participation in surrounding areas, marked by increasing rates of voter turnout across midterm and presidential-year election cycles. These findings are compelling, providing insight into how local organizations designed and sustained through issue ownership and community collaboration have the ability to raise political participation through electoral activity.

scholarly journals Explaining Voter Registration Levels in the American States

1992 ◽  
Vol 13 ◽  
pp. 253-265
Author(s):  
Christopher J. Fleury
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Voter Turnout ◽  
Voter Registration ◽  
Structural Factors ◽  
Aggregate Level ◽  
American States ◽  
Level Data ◽  
Participation Research ◽  
First Time ◽  
The Relationship

Previous research on political participation typically has centered upon voter turnout, modeling it as a function of socio-demographic and structural factors separately and in conjunction. Using aggregate-level data covering the 1980s, this paper updates and extends previous political participation research in the specific regard of voter registration. Particular attention is paid to the relationship between a state’s voter registration level and its degree of interparty competition. An index of interparty competition for the 1980-1989 period — based upon the Ranney index first employed for the 1948-1960 period and later extended by Bibby et al. to 1974-1980 — is presented here for the first time. However, interparty competition and several other demographic and structural factors that traditionally are cited as contributors to voter turnout are found here to be insignificant for predicting voter registration levels. A socio-demographic factor, racial composition, and a structural factor, the closing date for registration, emerge as the most important predictors of aggregate registration level.

scholarly journals Postal Voting and Voter Turnout in Local Elections: Lessons from New Zealand and Australia

2010 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 115-131 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jacky Yaakov Zvulun
Keyword(s):  
New Zealand ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Voter Turnout ◽  
Local Level ◽  
First Century ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Twenty First Century ◽  
The Relationship

The relationship between postal voting and voter turnout in local elections needs to be investigated in the context of whether postal voting helps increase voter turnout in twenty-first century local elections. This assists to uplift the discourse about New Zealand and Australia local elections and its voter turnout. This article explores the method of postal voting history by looking at these two countries and analysing the method of political participation at the local level. It argues that postal voting no longer increases or decreases voter turnout in these countries. KEYWORDS: • postal voting • voter turnout • local elections • participation • New Zealand

scholarly journals Acute Financial Hardship and Voter Turnout: Theory and Evidence from the Sequence of Bank Working Days

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-17
Author(s):  
MAX SCHAUB
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Voter Turnout ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Financial Hardship ◽  
Negative Effects ◽  
Financial Status ◽  
Definitive Answer ◽  
Financial Difficulties ◽  
The Poor ◽  
Using Data

How does poverty influence political participation? This question has interested political scientists since the early days of the discipline, but providing a definitive answer has proved difficult. This article focuses on one central aspect of poverty—the experience of acute financial hardship, lasting a few days at a time. Drawing on classic models of political engagement and novel theoretical insights, I argue that by inducing stress, social isolation, and feelings of alienation, acute financial hardship has immediate negative effects on political participation. Inference relies on a natural experiment afforded by the sequence of bank working days that causes short-term financial difficulties for the poor. Using data from three million individuals, personal interviews, and 1,100 elections in Germany, I demonstrate that acute financial hardship reduces both turnout intentions and actual turnout. The results imply that the financial status of the poor on election day can have important consequences for their political representation.

MARGINALIZED YET MOBILIZED

2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 131-156 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alecia J. McGregor ◽  
Laura M. Bogart ◽  
Molly Higgins-Biddle ◽  
Dara Z. Strolovitch ◽  
Bisola Ojikutu
Keyword(s):  
Sexual Behavior ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Original Data ◽  
Preliminary Evidence ◽  
Same Sex ◽  
Electoral Outcomes ◽  
Marginalized Groups ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
Lgbt People ◽  
The Relationship

AbstractBoth African American and LGBT voters can prove pivotal in electoral outcomes, but we know little about civic participation among Black LGBT people. Although decades of research on political participation has made it almost an article of faith that members of dominant groups (such as White people and individuals of higher socioeconomic status) vote at higher rates than their less privileged counterparts, recent work has suggested that there are circumstances under which members of marginalized groups might participate at higher rates. Some of this research suggests that political participation might also increase when groups perceive elections as particularly threatening. We argue that when such threats are faced by marginalized groups, the concern to protect hard-earned rights can activate a sense of what we call “political hypervigilance,” and that such effects may be particularly pronounced among members of intersectionally-marginalized groups such as LGBT African Americans. To test this theory, we use original data from the 2016 National Survey on HIV in the Black Community, a nationally-representative survey of Black Americans, to explore the relationship among same-sex sexual behavior, attitudes toward LGBT people, and respondent voting intentions in the 2016 presidential election. We find that respondents who reported having engaged in same-sex sexual behavior were strongly and significantly more likely to say they “definitely will vote” compared to respondents who reported no same-sex sexual behavior. More favorable views of LGBT individuals and issues (marriage equality) were also associated with greater intention to vote. We argue that these high rates provide preliminary evidence that political hypervigilance can, in fact, lead to increased political engagement among members of marginalized groups.

“Mind the gap”: to succeed in marketing politics, think of social media innovation

2019 ◽  
Vol 36 (6) ◽  
pp. 806-817
Author(s):  
Patrick Amfo Anim ◽  
Frederick Okyere Asiedu ◽  
Matilda Adams ◽  
George Acheampong ◽  
Ernestina Boakye
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Factor Analysis ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Political Efficacy ◽  
Customer Relationship ◽  
Political Marketing ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Young Voters ◽  
Mediating Role ◽  
The Relationship

Purpose This paper aims to explore the relationships between political marketing via social media and young voters’ political participation in Ghana. Additionally, this study examines the mediating role political efficacy plays in enhancing the relationship. Design/methodology/approach With a positivist mindset, and adopting the survey strategy, data gathered from the questionnaire administered from the sampled 320 young voters (18-29 years) in Greater Accra were quantitatively analyzed. An exploratory factor analysis (EFA), confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) and structural equation modeling (SEM) were used to assess and confirm the proposed scales validity and the relationships of the research model. Findings The study revealed that a political party or candidate’s ability to achieve political participation from Ghanaian young voters’ is dependent on how effective they build customer relationship or gaining visibility through social media. In addition, the study showed that political efficacy mediates the relationship between customer relationship building or gaining visibility through social media and political participation among Ghana young voters. Thus, young voters in Ghana must see themselves to have a say in the affairs of political parties through the political messages they gather from social media platforms to enhance their political participation activities. Practical implications The results of this paper will enable political marketers and politicians not only in Ghana but across the globe, to better understand how social media as a communication tool could be used to positively influence users’ political participation. Originality/value Considering the uniqueness of this study in a Ghanaian context, this paper is the first of its kind to use the social capital theory in examining the mediating role political efficacy plays in enhancing the relationship between political marketing on social media and young voters’ political participation.

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