Democracy, Human Rights, and Civil Society in South East Asia

2004 ◽  
Vol 37 (4) ◽  
pp. 1050-1051
Author(s):  
Abdul Rahman Embong

Democracy, Human Rights, and Civil Society in South East Asia, Amitav Acharya, B.M. Frolic and Richard Stubbs, eds., Toronto: Joint Centre for Asia Pacific Studies, 2001, pp. 208This is an important volume on the hotly debated topic of democracy, human rights and civil society in South East Asia, a region that has witnessed a confrontation between the old order of authoritarian regimes and strong states on one hand, and the new democratic forces embedded in an emerging civil society, on the other. The focus of the book is on the evolution of debates about democracy and human rights during the decade following the end of the Cold War in 1989 to the 1997–98 Asian economic crisis, with the latter being regarded as the watershed that unleashed the democratic forces. The book consists of nine chapters, plus an introduction and a conclusion, contributed by nine political scientists. Except for Johan Saravanamuttu, who is from the region under study, the other contributors are Southeast Asianists teaching at various universities in Canada, the United States, and Australia.

2017 ◽  
Vol 44 (5) ◽  
pp. 74-90
Author(s):  
Marc-André Anzueto

During Guatemala’s 36-year-long civil war (1960–1996), Canada’s role in response to the conflict diverged from the United States’ realpolitik. In contrast to U.S. policy objectives during the cold war, the Canadian distinctiveness in Guatemala was prevalent in the realm of democracy and human rights policy. The Canadian government and civil society condemned human rights violations in Guatemala, supported the various phases of the peace process, and participated in international efforts to strengthen the rule of law. However, since 2003–2004, the Canadian government has promoted mining investments to the detriment of human rights and its relationship with civil society has deteriorated both at home and in Guatemala. This shift can be linked to a securitization process of human rights within the neoliberal order in Latin America and a change in the identity-based interest of Canadian foreign policy during Prime Minister Stephen Harper’s era (2006–2015). Durante los 36 años de guerra civil en Guatemala (1960-1996), la respuesta canadiense se distinguió de la realpolitik estadunidense. A diferencia de los objetivos políticos estadunidenses durante la Guerra Fría, la presencia canadiense en torno a Guatemala se dio en el ámbito de la democracia y la política de derechos humanos. El gobierno y sociedad civil canadienses condenaron las violaciones de los derechos humanos en Guatemala, apoyaron las distintas fases del proceso de paz y participaron en los esfuerzos internacionales para fortalecer el Estado de derecho. Sin embargo, desde 2003–2004, el gobierno de Canadá ha promovido inversiones mineras en detrimento de los derechos humanos, y su relación con la sociedad civil se ha deteriorado tanto en casa como en Guatemala. Este cambio puede vincularse a un proceso de seguridización de los derechos humanos dentro del orden neoliberal de América Latina y un cambio en la política exterior canadiense, antes basada en la identidad, durante el gobierno de Stephen Harper (2006–2015).


2020 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 659-675
Author(s):  
Kozue Akibayashi

Japan occupies a unique position in the history of East Asia as the sole non-Western colonial power. Japan’s defeat in the Asia-Pacific War that ended its colonial expansion did not bring justice to its former colonies. The Japanese leadership and people were spared from being held accountable for its invasion and colonial rule by the United States in its Cold War strategy to make post–World War II Japan a military outpost and bulwark in the region against communism. How then did the Cold War shape feminisms in Japan, a former colonizing force that never came to terms with its colonial violence? What was the impact of the Cold War on Japanese women’s movements for their own liberation? What are the implications for today? This article discusses the effects of Japan’s imperial legacies during the Cold War and the current aftermath with examples taken from the history of the women’s movement in Japan.


Author(s):  
Thomas Borstelmann

This chapter places the United States in the 1970s in the context of world history. Because of the diversity of the Earth's societies in political and social development, all nations and peoples in this era did not march in lockstep with each other; as the Cold War and other conflicts revealed, trends around the globe at the time seemed to be heading in very different directions. But in retrospect, the chapter reveals the 1970s American story of moving simultaneously toward greater egalitarianism and toward greater faith in the free market fit with a similar pattern taking shape around the world, one emphasizing human rights and national self-determination, on the one hand, and the declining legitimacy of socialism and government management of economies, on the other.


Subject The implications of diplomatic competition in South-east Asian humanitarian and disaster response activities. Significance Two major defence cooperation exercises focusing largely on humanitarian assistance and disaster response (HADR) will convene in February. Both exercises are South-east Asia-based but encompass the wider Asia-Pacific in their membership. Humanitarian responses to natural disasters are an increasing focus in ASEAN's security pillar, and a growing priority in South-east Asia's external partners' defence policies, particularly the United States, China, Japan, India, Australia and Russia. Impacts Increasing sums will be committed to help ASEAN develop HADR capacity. The 'ASEAN way' of consensus and non-interference in members' internal affairs will confine ASEAN's HADR activities to natural disasters. ASEAN HADR will not feature in humanitarian crises arising from political or ethnic conflict. US use of HADR initiatives to connect with South-east Asian militaries (when needed) will increase.


2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-18
Author(s):  
Ajid Thohir

Understanding the history of Islam in the Southeast Asia will be more accurate through the geo-political and historical background perspective in particular. This assumption is based on Western Colonial influence in the past such as Spanish, Portuguese, Dutch, British, French, and United States that makes up the typology of Islamic culture in South East Asian region, which is strengthens the plurality of Islamic character. It also seems increasingly clear, especially for the Muslim communities in Philippine, who represented the community formed of Moro Islamic movement. Islamic culture in the Philippine is produced by the Spanish and the United States colonial policy which determines the fate and the treats of Muslims as a conquered state. This historical background results the emergence of a heroic character in Philippines Muslims that is different from the other Muslims community in South East Asia who are relatively considered quiet and peaceful. This paper will briefly explain the historiography of Islam in South East Asia region through involving cases of Muslims in the Philippine who will not found the plurality of character in the other country.


Author(s):  
Aryeh Neier

This chapter distinguishes Americans that took part in the struggles for rights during the period from the mid-1950s to the mid-1970s. It mentions the governments of the world that joined together in committing themselves to protect rights by adopting the United Nations Charter, the Genocide Convention, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and the 1949 Geneva Conventions. It also points out how Americans did not sustain internationalism and commit to protect rights through international law, which had been represented by Eleanor Roosevelt. The chapter analyzes Section 502B of the Foreign Assistance Act, which prevents the United States from providing security assistance to any country that engages in a consistent pattern of gross violations of internationally recognized human rights. It describes the period of the 1980s and the very beginning of the 1990s as the golden age in the history of human rights, in which several dictatorships collapsed.


1994 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 580-590
Author(s):  
Jan Niessen

In the 1970s, during the Cold War era, European and North American states began a dialogue in Helsinki which became known as the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE), or the Helsinki process. For Western states the CSCE served as a platform to raise questions related to security in Europe and the protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms. Eastern European states considered the CSCE as a means to secure the postwar borders and an opportunity to discuss economic and scientific cooperation. Today, 51 European States, plus the United States of America and Canada, participate in this process. Notwithstanding the many and often intense political tensions between the West and the East during those twenty years, quite a number of conferences, seminars and other meetings were held and a great many agreements were adopted and documents issued, dealing with matters related to CSCE's three main areas of concern: security in Europe; cooperation in the fields of economics, science, technology and environment; the promotion of human rights. In response to the fundamental changes in Europe in the late 1980s, the CSCE was given a new impetus and its operational framework was broadened. CSCE offices were established in Prague (CSCE Secretariat), Vienna (Conflict Prevention Center) and Warsaw (Office of Democratic Institutions and Human Rights) with the aim to strengthen and monitor compliance with CSCE commitments, especially in the area of human rights. A Parliamentary Assembly was established and met twice, first in Budapest and then in Helsinki. A General Secretary and a High Commissioner on Minorities were appointed, with offices in Vienna and The Hague, respectively.


Author(s):  
SABURO OKITA

The Asia-Pacific countries achieved rapid economic growth with the flying-goose model in the 1980s, growth buttressed by export-oriented development strategies and the policy culture in these countries. While Japan and the other Asia-Pacific countries still have strong growth potential, many problems remain, including trade imbalances with the United States and the rise of protectionism there, the Asia-Pacific economies' vulnerability, and the need to consolidate the infrastructure for growth. It is imperative that Japan contribute to the development of the region by responding effectively to these issues and that it strengthen the international trading arrangements by promoting Asia-Pacific cooperation premised on openness. Given the region's great internal diversity, Asia-Pacific economic cooperation can well serve as a model for international economic coordination.


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