GIFT AND DIPLOMACY IN SEVENTEENTH-CENTURY SPANISH ITALY

2008 ◽  
Vol 51 (4) ◽  
pp. 881-899 ◽  
Author(s):  
DIANA CARRIÓ-INVERNIZZI

ABSTRACTThis article explains how the concept and the practice of gift-making evolved in Spanish Italy in connection with power. Contemporary chronicles, avvisi (newsletters), and letters enable us to reflect upon how gifts were seen, given, and received in the period at the Spanish embassy in Rome and in the viceroyalty of Naples. It aims to establish how the exchange of presents affected the wielding of power and how it contributed to shaping the political culture of the Spanish in Italy. The seventeenth century and Italy were the time and place that witnessed the greatest experimentation in gift-making practices. This experimentation and the polysemic nature of gifts can also be explained as a result of the low level of professionalization that still characterized diplomacy in seventeenth-century Europe.

2014 ◽  
Vol 87 (4) ◽  
pp. 666-708 ◽  
Author(s):  
L. H. Roper

The English takeover of the Dutch colony of New Netherland in 1664 illustrates the enduring centrality of colonial agendas in the political culture of the seventeenth-century English Empire but also provided an occasion by which the metropolitan government and its perspective ironically assumed greater weight in colonial-imperial relations.


Author(s):  
Nataliya M. Velikaya ◽  

Specifics of perception of political issues by Russian Youth and value grounds for their political behavior are analyzed in this article. The analysis is based on the sociological research data of 2018 and 2019. It is shown that political culture demonstrates the presence of mutually exclusive positions for a number of reasons. Low level of trust to the power practically do not correlate with evaluation of social-economic and political situation in Russia, do not provoke new forms of civil activity , what allows to make a conclusion about high degree of the political culture continuity, where group of nominal oppositionists demonstrating low level of trust to the power is not significant.


2021 ◽  
Vol 108 ◽  
pp. 01005
Author(s):  
Maria Ivanovna Rosenko ◽  
Elena Vladimirovna Skrebets ◽  
Svetlana Vitalievna Golikova ◽  
Sergey Andreevich Zaporozhets ◽  
Iracema Marisol Ruiz Medrano

The article examines the transformation of state reform in Ukraine, considers the reasons for the evolution of the political structuring of the Ukrainian parliament in the context of the procedures of the political crisis, systematizes the main reasons why the democratic transformations that have begun cannot achieve their main goal – the consolidation of democracy. It is noted that a lack of national consciousness, a low level of political culture, excessive ambitions of leaders, and their desire for power as a means of personal enrichment simulate conflicts of a destructive nature, threaten to deconstruct the political system and destroy the nation-state. It is indicated that the consequence of the political crisis may be a new revolution, which will not only lead to a change of the government form and the system of values but also the loss of statehood, with Ukraine entering the list of “falling states” and as result.


2015 ◽  
Vol 68 (1) ◽  
pp. 133-186 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amanda Wunder

AbstractWomen’s clothes were at the center of political debate in the Spain of Philip IV (r. 1621–65), and no garment inspired more controversy than the wide-hipped farthingale, or hoopskirt, known as theguardainfante. Considered scandalous with its reputation for hiding illicit pregnancies, theguardainfantewas banned in 1639. Nonetheless, theguardainfantebecame more popular than ever and turned into an enduring icon of Golden Age Spain during the reign of Philip’s second queen, Mariana of Austria (1649–65). Despite theguardainfante’s high level of visibility, most notably in court portraits by Diego Velázquez, very little is known about the historical experiences of the women who wore it. This article demonstrates that real women really did wear theguardainfantein a variety of contexts outside of portraiture and the theater. In Madrid and in cities throughout the Spanish empire, women of different stations and convictions participated in the political culture of their times by making, disseminating, and debating this controversial garment.


2013 ◽  
Vol 52 (3) ◽  
pp. 597-614 ◽  
Author(s):  
Allan Douglas Kennedy

AbstractDespite a recent expansion of interest in the history of Restoration Scotland, historiographical engagement with the place of the Highlands in the Restoration state continues to be relatively limited. Building upon recent research into the political culture of the later seventeenth century, this article offers a new conceptualization of the relationship between the center and the Highland periphery. It argues that the region was heavily integrated into wider political circumstances, while recognizing that contemporary statesmen remained concerned about its perceived wildness. From this basis, the article moves on to consider the nature of Highland policy, suggesting that tactical shifts spoke of deeper strategic uncertainty as to whether the Highlands were best controlled through the direct imposition of government power or by close cooperation with local elites.


1999 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
pp. 47-93 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rosalind O'Hanlon

AbstractThis essay explores some of the ways in which gender identity and norms for manhood were important in the political and religious discourses of Mughal north India. A concern with the meanings of manhood ran through these discourses and their antecedents in the wider world of medieval Perso-Islamic political culture, constructing important and enduring links between kingship, norms for statecraft, imperial service and ideal manhood. The essay examines in detail the ways in which one high imperial servant in the early seventeenth century inherited, developed and reflected on these themes, and related them to his own personal experience. These definitions of elite manliness began to change in the later seventeenth century, and their connection with imperial service began to fracture, with the emergence of more complexly stratified urban societies in north India, and the development of an increasingly ebullient and cosmopolitan ethos of gentlemanly connoisseurship and consumption. The essay examines some of the normative literature associated with these shifts, and suggests that one of their consequences may have been to intensify the strains in Mughal service morale associated with the last decades of the seventeenth century.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 45-69
Author(s):  
Benoit Challand ◽  
Joshua Rogers

This paper provides an historical exploration of local governance in Yemen across the past sixty years. It highlights the presence of a strong tradition of local self-rule, self-help, and participation “from below” as well as the presence of a rival, official, political culture upheld by central elites that celebrates centralization and the strong state. Shifts in the predominance of one or the other tendency have coincided with shifts in the political economy of the Yemeni state(s). When it favored the local, central rulers were compelled to give space to local initiatives and Yemen experienced moments of political participation and local development.


1996 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 225-259 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert K. Whalen

Philo-Semitism is America's enduring contribution to the long, troubled, often murderous dealings of Christians with Jews. Its origins are English, and it drew continuously on two centuries of British research into biblical prophecy from the seventeenth Century onward. Philo-Semitism was, however, soon “domesticated” and adapted to the political and theological climate of America after independence. As a result, it changed as America changed. In the early national period, religious literature abounded that foresaw the conversion of the Jews and the restoration of Israel as the ordained task of the millennial nation—the United States. This scenario was, allowing for exceptions, socially and theologically optimistic and politically liberal, as befit the ethos of a revolutionary era. By the eve of Civil War, however, countless evangelicals cleaved to a darker vision of Christ's return in blood and upheaval. They disparaged liberal social views and remained loyal to an Augustinian theology that others modified or abandoned.


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