TRAITORS, TRAFIQUANTS, AND THE CONFISCATION OF ‘ILLICIT PROFITS’ IN FRANCE, 1944–1950

2008 ◽  
Vol 51 (4) ◽  
pp. 969-990 ◽  
Author(s):  
KENNETH MOURÉ ◽  
FABRICE GRENARD

ABSTRACTState measures to confiscate the ‘illicit profits’ earned from commerce with the enemy and the black market in Occupied France are generally considered to have been an abject failure. Economic collaboration and illicit commerce had been widespread. The need to ‘purge’ the profits from black market transactions and economic collaboration was considered essential at Liberation. An examination of the confiscation effort from archival sources shows that the purge achieved limited success, but that complete success was rendered impossible by factors that limited other post-war purges: the shortage of trained personnel and investigative resources, the need for hard evidence for legal procedures (rather than vigilante justice), the efforts of collaborators to cover their tracks, and the evolution of public opinion, which was quickly disappointed by the slow pace of confiscations. Although success was limited, the effort to punish the profiteers it could convict had been necessary, as a matter of elementary fiscal justice and an essential step in the restoration of the authority of the state.

2020 ◽  
pp. 273-292
Author(s):  
Tara McEvoy

This chapter analyses the short-lived Northern Irish periodical Lagan, published annually between 1943 and 1946. Edited by John Boyd, the magazine, over its limited run of only four issues, sought to foster a vital tradition of Ulster writing. Short stories published in Lagan served to promote Ulster idiom as the basis for a new regional literature. While regionalism could often be perceived as insularism, which perhaps contributed to the magazine’s limited success, Lagan arguably provided a cultural touchstone for Northern Irish writers, thus proving influential for a post-war generation that included the likes of Seamus Heaney, James Simmons, and Derek Mahon. In spite of being short-lived, therefore, Lagan and its editor successfully sought to promote a creative tradition and writing community in Northern Ireland.


2008 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. 34-44
Author(s):  
Michael Dudding

This paper is based upon the premise that US architectural journals have had a much greater significance on the development of post-war New Zealand Modernism than has thus far been admitted to be the case. This is a rather difficult position to defend, not just because of a lack of hard evidence, but because the established orthodoxy posits the English Architectural Review as the ‘bible' to this generation of architects. The privileging of the Architectural Review in recent historiography is easily traced to a 1994 interview, conducted by Philippa Hoeta, with five architects who belong to that post-war generation. As a "fact," this privileging can easily be taken at face value: there is evidence in the many libraries and collections that subscribed to the Review; and there is the personal testimony provided in the interview itself. It is fairly safe to say that the statement is valid. But somewhere along the process, which sees simple fact become historiographic truth, other truths are overlooked, skirted around, rejected, or forgotten - perhaps there was more than one gospel? In the Hoeta interview, the conversation was redirected after only a few seconds - the journal discussion was not returned to. This paper restarts that discussion, extends it, and probes deeper to find the role and significance of the other journals that sat next to the Review on local architects' shelves. New Zealand architectural historiography has shifted into its second-generational phase; where the canon is largely set and new histories are able to operate uncritically within its scope, its structure and main narratives have become entrenched, and the key truths are almost self-evident. This paper picks up on one such truth, examines the historiographic process from which it arose, and investigates what has been obscured by uncritical adherence to its complete veracity.


Μνήμων ◽  
2004 ◽  
Vol 26 ◽  
pp. 183
Author(s):  
ΛΑΜΠΡΟΣ Α. ΦΛΙΤΟΥΡΗΣ

<p>Lambros Flitouris, The Suez Crisis and the Greek-French Relations</p> <p>The Suez crisis in 1956 constitutes an important point in the development of the international relations at the period of the cold war. 1956 is a landmark year for the appointment of the Arabic nationalism as a basic constitutive element of the anti-colonialist wave that convulsed the world. During this period, the relations of Greece with the states involved in the crisis were to a large extent precarious. The anti-imperialists tones of Nasser found impression in the Greek common opinion that was exceptionally irritated from the EOKA's fight in Cyprus. In the present article we examine one particular aspect of the crisis: the relations of Greece with France. The agreements of economic collaboration that was achieved by Markezinis in 1953 signalled a new era in the activation of French capital in Greece. In combination with the big cultural tradition that Prance had in the country but also with the crisis in the relations of Greece with the UK because of the Cypriot question, the French factor in Greece acquired a great importance. However, the French diplomacy followed the policy of London and because of this the relations between Greece and France faced their more important post-war crisis. The Greek common opinion also turned against France, while the French diplomacy lost a great opportunity to strengthen her place in Greece. In the sector of economic relations and cultural exchanges befell a period of algidity with extensions in the Greek internal political life. The crisis of the period 1956-1958 constituted a negative parenthesis in the traditionally good relations between Athens and Paris, while it could be characterized as an adjacent negative result of the anti-colonial struggle and the Cypriot affair.</p>


Res Publica ◽  
1995 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 207-226
Author(s):  
Christopher T. Husbands

Both in the pre-war and the post-war period right-wing extremism was not very strong in Britain. Historians, political scientist and politicians have suggested a whole range of elements to explain this failure. In the light of this limited success the victory of the British National Party in an election of the Millwall district in the London Bourough of Tower Hamlets was indeed a surprise.  lt raised the question whether this was the beginning of something similar to what happened earlier in France, Germany, Belgium and the Netherlands. The very specific characteristics of the London East End and ofthe Millwall district in particular make the BNP victory however quite exceptional, and do not enable a generalization of the phenomenon. This is supported by the electoral results for the London Borough and District Council of May 5 1994. Yet one can still argue that the specific danger of the BNP is not its electoral potential, but the impact of its local activities on the relations  between the ethnic groups in the neighbourhoods where it is present.


2019 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 316-339
Author(s):  
Marianna Dudley

Abstract This article identifies the environmental components of the limits of industrial nationalization between 1945 and 1956, and with it the spatial dimensions of state power, through a case study of wind power experiments on the Orkney islands. Technocratic and socialist principles drove efforts to supply electricity to all corners of the nation, but material and environmental factors limited success, especially in remote regions. The article considers the materiality of islandness and its effects on the application of national-scale energy policy and emergence of ‘alternative’ energy solutions, in light of James C. Scott’s theory of high modernism as an ideology which emanated from centres of power to rural peripheries. It argues that an environmental lens produces new thinking on the spatial constructions of state in post-war Britain that recognizes the influence of geographical edges as materially and imaginatively capable of disrupting a narrative of one-way power emanating from the centre. Wind joins other natural forces able to exert agency in narratives of technological development and modernism, which augment our understanding of energy, nature, and nation.


2020 ◽  
pp. 836-847
Author(s):  
Alexander I. Rupasov ◽  

By decree of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR of October 5, 1945, the first post-war elections to this supreme body of state power were scheduled for February 10, 1946. The political leadership attached exceptional importance to the election campaign launched in autumn 1945. The election campaign and its results could have been an indicator of the mood of Soviet society, permitting to estimate whether the victory in the war had been able to neutralize the accumulated fatigue from the hardships of the war and prevent the growth of negative feelings among the population towards the communist party and Soviet leadership. Thus, the authorities paid special attention to the organization of the elections to the Supreme Soviet in Leningrad, the city which survived the siege. Political and ideological support for the election campaign of autumn 1945 – winter 1946 was not the only task that the Soviet and party structures in Leningrad were concerned about. Purely organizational and technical aspects of the elections required coordination between a large number of departments and organizations. One of the most serious organizational problems was lack of trained personnel to work in election commissions. The Central State Archive of St. Petersburg has some limited number of documents that allow us to study the organizational and technical side of the elections in Leningrad in 1945-1946.


Author(s):  
Miguel Ángel del Arco Blanco

Resumen: El artículo se centra en el estudio de la corrupción durante el régimen franquista. Discute el mito, en gran parte vigente en parte de la sociedad actual, de la inexistencia de la corrupción durante el franquismo. Para ello estudiamos un fenómeno hasta ahora no demasiado explorado: el del “gran estraperlo”. Un negocio de alto rendimiento que tuvo lugar durante la posguerra, a expensas del sufrimiento, el hambre y la escasez de buena parte de la población. Fue desarrollado siempre en connivencia o con la participación directa de personas pertenecientes a la Administración franquista o cercanas a la misma. La reacción de la dictadura fue la de desarrollar importantes campañas de propaganda o castigar a los pequeños estraperlistas, mientras que toleraba el comercio clandestino y la impunidad de los principales responsables del gran estraperlo. De esta forma, la corrupción fue algo estructural dentro de la dictadura, justificándose no sólo por los intereses individuales que satisfizo, sino también porque fue un elemento esencial dentro de los mecanismos que consolidaron y dieron estabilidad al “Nuevo Estado” surgido de la guerra civil.Palabras clave: franquismo, corrupción, estraperlo, mercado negro, poder local, personal político.Abstract: The article studies the corruption during the Francoist regime. The myth of the absence of corruption under Francoist dictatorship is discussed. The text analyses a case of a non-very much studied phenomena: the “great estraperlo” (great black market). A highly profitable business that took place during the post-war years at the expense of the suffering, the hunger and the scarcity of a large part of the population. It was always developed with the complicity or the direct participation of members of the Francoist administration or people close to the regime. The dictatorship’s reaction consisted in the display of important propaganda campaigns or in the punishment of the small black marketers, whereas it tolerated the clandestine trade and the impunity of the main culprits of the great black market. This way, corruption was structural within the dictatorship. It should be explained not only for the individual interests that it satisfied, but also because it was an essential element for the consolidation and stabilisation of the “New State” emerged during the Spanish Civil War.Keywords: Francoism, corruption, estraperlo, black market, local authorities, political personnel, grassroots.


Author(s):  
R. J. Lee ◽  
A. J. Schwoeble ◽  
Yuan Jie

Water/Cement (W/C) ratio is a very important parameter affecting the strength and durability of concrete. At the present time, there are no ASTM methods for determining W/C ratio of concrete structures after the production period. Existing techniques involving thin section standard density comparative associations using light optical microscopy and rely on visual comparisons using standards and require highly trained personnel to produce reliable data. This has led to the exploration of other methods utilizing automated procedures which can offer a precise and rapid measurement of W/C ratio. This paper discusses methods of determining W/C ratio using a scanning electron microscope (SEM) backscattered electron image (BEI) intensity signal and x-ray computer tomography.


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