Arab League

1958 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 548-548

The Arab League Council held a meeting in Benghazi, Libya, from May 31 to June 6, 1958, to consider the Lebanese government's complaint of interference by the United Arab Republic in Lebanon's internal affairs. The Lebanese delegation informed the final meeting that its government was unable to accept a four-part resolution which had been devised by Libya, Sudan, Iraq, Jordan, Yemen, and Saudi Arabia in an attempt to produce a compromise acceptable to the two disputants. The Lebanese delegation's leader, Beshir Awal, was understood to have maintained that as the first clause of the resolution (calling on all Arab states to refrain from propaganda likely to upset normal relations between them) did not specifically mention the United Arab Republic (UAR) press and radio campaign against the Lebanese government, it was impossible for Lebanon to comply with the fourth clause of the resolution (that Lebanon should withdraw its complaint now before the Security Council). The Sudanese delegate, Mohamed Maghoub, was believed to have suggested that the Council could perhaps agree on the clause of the resolution which contained an appeal to the Lebanese people to cease from fratricidal strife. Agreement on this, too, proved impossible. Said Fahmy, for the UAR, gave his opinion that the Lebanese government had regarded the League Council session merely as a matter of form before taking its complaint to the Security Council. The delegates from Sudan, Iraq, Jordan, and Libya were sympathetic toward Lebanon.

1948 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 543-544

On May 18, 1948, the United Nations Security Council approved a questionnaire which asked the Arab League states to report whether they had troops in Palestine, and if so, where such troops were located, what their military objectives were, and whether negotiations were going on with the Jews. Lebanon, Syria, and Saudi Arabia replied on May 22, and Yemen and the Arab Higher Committee within the next two days, that their troops had been sent in to protect the Arab inhabitants from Zionist aggression and terrorism, and that they would not negotiate with Israel for an end of the Palestine war. The Council followed the questionnaire with a request on May 22 for a cease-fire in Palestine. The Arab League's Political Committee met in Amman, Transjordan, May 25, to discuss the cease-fire appeal and indicated the acceptance of the Arab states on the condition that there would be a cessation of Jewish immigration, a condition which was unacceptable to the representatives of Israel. On May 29, the Security Council passed a resolution calling for a four-week truce which was accepted on June 2 by the Provisional Government of Israel and the seven member nations of the Arab League, the latter stating that the suspension of hostilities was merely a means of finding the just solution of the Palestine problem. The truce, to go into effect on June 11, was accepted unconditionally by both parties on June 9. United Nations' Mediator Count Folke Bernadotte announced that no military advantage was to accrue to either side under the cease-fire and the truce.


1959 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 653-653 ◽  

According to press reports from Beirut, Lebanon, on August 11 and 18, 1959, representatives of nine Arab states—all the members of the Arab League except Tunisia—were preparing a lengthy reply to the suggestion of Mr. Dag Hammarskjold, Secretary-General of the UN, that the Palestine refugees being sheltered by various Arab countries be economically integrated into these countries. Spokesmen for the Arab states declared at the end of a tenday conference that they would unanimously support the refugees' demand to return to their homes in what had become the state of Israel; this was tantamount to rejection of Mr. Hammarskjold's proposal to spend $1.5–$2 billion within the next five years to create productive jobs for about one million refugees living in Arab lands. Although the Secretary-General had asserted that economic integration would not prejudice any rights of the refugees, the Arabs interpreted the plan to mean that the refugees would be permanently resettled among them. Apparently the only part of Mr. Hammarskjold's report that was acceptable to the Arabs was that calling for the continued existence of the UN Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA), the organization administering the relief program for refugees in Lebanon, Jordan, and the United Arab Republic.


2021 ◽  
Vol 03 (08) ◽  
pp. 387-407
Author(s):  
Ohood Abbas Ohood Abbas

At the beginning of the nineties of the last century, one of the most prominent Arab problems appeared ‎in the Middle East, which was represented by Iraq‏’‏s invasion of Kuwait, which was the most prominent ‎event at all levels, regional and international, given the great political and strategic changes that the ‎invasion provoked in the region and the difference in attitudes and consensus at other times, ‎including‏ ‏It was necessary for us to study and analyze the position of one of the most important Arab ‎countries in the region, which is the Syrian position on the issue of Iraq‏’‏s invasion of Kuwait and its ‎repercussions, and the Syrian government‏’‏s attempt to settle that conflict by adopting various effective ‎ways to contain the crisis and prevent the dispersal of the Arab nation with its focus on finding a ‎peaceful solution to avoid the countries of the region from possible future dangers‏. ‏It cannot be ‎controlled later, which is what prompted it to go along with all the Arab and international resolutions ‎that condemned that invasion. That is why it sought to announce its position on the issue of the ‎invasion clearly and transparently, and on several occasions, it did not deviate from its national and ‎Arab principles until the date of the liberation of Kuwait and the resolution of the crisis and its end‎‎. Keywords: Iraq, Syria, Invasion, Security Council, Saudi Arabia, Arab League, Kuwait


1964 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 738-765 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gerald L. Curtis

On May 22, 1958, the Lebanese representative at the United Nations presented a letter to the President of the Security Council requesting an urgent meeting of the Council to consider acomplaint by Lebanon in respect to a situation arising from the intervention of the United Arab Republic in the internal affairs of Lebanon, the continuance of which is likely to endanger themaintenance of international peace and security.


1963 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 287-288 ◽  

On July 30, 1962, the government of Syria presented a formal complaint against alleged United Arab Republic interference in its internal affairs to Abdul Khaliq Hassouna, Secretary-General of the Arab League. The Secretary-General at Syria's request said he would start preparations for holding an extraordinary meeting of the League's Council to discuss the complaint, but it would take at least five days.


1953 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 281-281

The Political Committee of the Arab League met in Cairo beginning December 20, 1952, under the chairmanship of Fathy Radwan (Egypt) to discuss questions relating to Palestine and north Africa. On December 25, the committee issued a statement approving the failure of passage in the United Nations General Assembly of the resolution adopted by the Ad Hoc Political Committee calling for direct negotiations between Israel and the Arab states. The committee condemned “the mere idea of an invitation to Arabs to negotiate with the Israelis” and expressed the hope “that there would be no repetition of these attempts”.


1951 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 619-620

On May 14, 1951 meetings were held of the Council and Political Committee of the Arab League in Damascus. Press reports indicated that the meeting of the Political Committee concerned the question of whether or not the Arab states should put into effect a real military alliance. On the same day the Foreign Affairs Committee of the Egyptian Chamber of Deputies had discussed the ratification of the Arab collective security pact. Egypt had been the originator of the pact which although initialled by six of the seven Arab nations had only been ratified by Saudi-Arabia. The press deduced from these reports that Syria wanted to know where it stood in case the Israeli-Syrian conflict became more serious. Iraq had already offered any support Syria asked for and sent some military detachments and an anti-aircraft unit through Syrian territory to the Israeli border. The Acting Prime Minister and Foreign Minister of Israel (Sharett), however, in an address to the Knesset Parliament in Jerusalem, warned the Political Committee that Israel was firmly resolved to defend every inch of her territory against encroachment or domination by Syria.


The Hijaz ◽  
2018 ◽  
pp. 207-278
Author(s):  
Malik R. Dahlan

This geopolitical Chapter covers the impact of decolonization on Arab statehood and the challenge to accept the new order. It includes a discussion on the revival and reform of Arab self-determination after the mandate system was submerged. It gives an overview of independence and models of statehood. It describes the emergence of new states after the Second World War including: Saudi Arabia, the liberal monarchy model; Iran and Turkey, the secular western models. This Chapter also discusses failed attempts at regional organisation - ‘Arab disorganization’- including the United Arab Republic, the short-lived political union between Syria and Egypt between 1958 and 1961. Existing attempts at international Islamic organization in the form of the League of Arab States (now the Arab League) and the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) are also discussed here. The common theme being a recognition of the importance of governance and of the Islamic worldview but ultimately a failure to unite and provide alternative structures to effectively compete with inherited Westphalian structures. In a chronological progression it covers the Cold War era leading up to the Mujahideen in Afghanistan, Taliban, Al-Qaida and Daesh neo medievalism.


2019 ◽  
Vol 54 (2) ◽  
pp. 328-346
Author(s):  
Stefanie Wichhart

While the Great Powers were meeting in Washington at the Dumbarton Oaks Conference, representatives of the Arab states were meeting in Egypt to draft the Alexandria Protocol, the document that would lead to the establishment of the Arab League in March 1945. The idea of Arab Unity has a long history driven by intra-regional dynamics but the form that the League ultimately took of a regional organization rather than the political union many envisioned was largely a product of the wartime environment. The Arab states found both opportunity and potential threats in the Dumbarton Oaks proposals as they worked to develop their own postwar vision. Discussions of regional councils in the months preceding Dumbarton Oaks raised fears of a western-imposed regional order and served as the center of gravity that ultimately allowed them, for the moment, to overcome regional rivalries and join together in the Arab League. This case study contributes to the decolonization of diplomatic history by placing the Arab nationalist movement in its global context and demonstrates how the Arab states, for whom unity was viewed as a pathway to independence, appropriated wartime internationalist ideals in the later war years.


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