scholarly journals SYRIA'S POSITION ON IRAQ'S INVASION OF KUWAIT IN 1990

2021 ◽  
Vol 03 (08) ◽  
pp. 387-407
Author(s):  
Ohood Abbas Ohood Abbas

At the beginning of the nineties of the last century, one of the most prominent Arab problems appeared ‎in the Middle East, which was represented by Iraq‏’‏s invasion of Kuwait, which was the most prominent ‎event at all levels, regional and international, given the great political and strategic changes that the ‎invasion provoked in the region and the difference in attitudes and consensus at other times, ‎including‏ ‏It was necessary for us to study and analyze the position of one of the most important Arab ‎countries in the region, which is the Syrian position on the issue of Iraq‏’‏s invasion of Kuwait and its ‎repercussions, and the Syrian government‏’‏s attempt to settle that conflict by adopting various effective ‎ways to contain the crisis and prevent the dispersal of the Arab nation with its focus on finding a ‎peaceful solution to avoid the countries of the region from possible future dangers‏. ‏It cannot be ‎controlled later, which is what prompted it to go along with all the Arab and international resolutions ‎that condemned that invasion. That is why it sought to announce its position on the issue of the ‎invasion clearly and transparently, and on several occasions, it did not deviate from its national and ‎Arab principles until the date of the liberation of Kuwait and the resolution of the crisis and its end‎‎. Keywords: Iraq, Syria, Invasion, Security Council, Saudi Arabia, Arab League, Kuwait

1948 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 543-544

On May 18, 1948, the United Nations Security Council approved a questionnaire which asked the Arab League states to report whether they had troops in Palestine, and if so, where such troops were located, what their military objectives were, and whether negotiations were going on with the Jews. Lebanon, Syria, and Saudi Arabia replied on May 22, and Yemen and the Arab Higher Committee within the next two days, that their troops had been sent in to protect the Arab inhabitants from Zionist aggression and terrorism, and that they would not negotiate with Israel for an end of the Palestine war. The Council followed the questionnaire with a request on May 22 for a cease-fire in Palestine. The Arab League's Political Committee met in Amman, Transjordan, May 25, to discuss the cease-fire appeal and indicated the acceptance of the Arab states on the condition that there would be a cessation of Jewish immigration, a condition which was unacceptable to the representatives of Israel. On May 29, the Security Council passed a resolution calling for a four-week truce which was accepted on June 2 by the Provisional Government of Israel and the seven member nations of the Arab League, the latter stating that the suspension of hostilities was merely a means of finding the just solution of the Palestine problem. The truce, to go into effect on June 11, was accepted unconditionally by both parties on June 9. United Nations' Mediator Count Folke Bernadotte announced that no military advantage was to accrue to either side under the cease-fire and the truce.


1958 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 548-548

The Arab League Council held a meeting in Benghazi, Libya, from May 31 to June 6, 1958, to consider the Lebanese government's complaint of interference by the United Arab Republic in Lebanon's internal affairs. The Lebanese delegation informed the final meeting that its government was unable to accept a four-part resolution which had been devised by Libya, Sudan, Iraq, Jordan, Yemen, and Saudi Arabia in an attempt to produce a compromise acceptable to the two disputants. The Lebanese delegation's leader, Beshir Awal, was understood to have maintained that as the first clause of the resolution (calling on all Arab states to refrain from propaganda likely to upset normal relations between them) did not specifically mention the United Arab Republic (UAR) press and radio campaign against the Lebanese government, it was impossible for Lebanon to comply with the fourth clause of the resolution (that Lebanon should withdraw its complaint now before the Security Council). The Sudanese delegate, Mohamed Maghoub, was believed to have suggested that the Council could perhaps agree on the clause of the resolution which contained an appeal to the Lebanese people to cease from fratricidal strife. Agreement on this, too, proved impossible. Said Fahmy, for the UAR, gave his opinion that the Lebanese government had regarded the League Council session merely as a matter of form before taking its complaint to the Security Council. The delegates from Sudan, Iraq, Jordan, and Libya were sympathetic toward Lebanon.


Author(s):  
Syed Zohaib Abbas Rizvi ◽  
Sobia Jamil ◽  
Ali Imran Shaikh

This paper has formulated a model by the name of DRADM i.e. Diaspora-Remittances-Arab Dependency Model while studying the literature pertinent to the modes of remittance, sectarianism and the Pakistani diaspora in the Middle-East. Pakistan is home of a large Shi’a population second only to Iran and this community regularly visits the holy shrines in Iran, Syria and Iraq forming a heartily connection with these countries. Contrarily, the Sunni Arab world hosts a huge number of Pakistani workers who send a significant part of their salaries back to Pakistan. These remittances act as a viable source of foreign exchange and help in balance of payments each year. Since the former group (Shi’a) is influenced by Iran and the latter (Sunni) by Saudi Arabia, Pakistan finds itself in a flux. In its bid to make a balance between Iran and Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA), how Pakistan would manage its staggering economy with headship of Islamic military coalition, is a big question mark. With the help of published secondary data from governmental and other institutions this study examines the co-relation between remittances from Arab World and sectarianism (inside Pakistan and in Middle East) and its impact on the foreign policy of Pakistan.


Author(s):  
Igor Vladimirovich Trenkler

The history and contemporary state of global aquaculture of sturgeons and paddlefish are reviewed. 5th part is devoted to sturgeon breeding in the basin of Black sea (without countries of former USSR reviewed earlier) аnd in the Middle East. Six species of sturgeon once migrated in the Danube River and Turkish rivers Yeşilırmak, Kızılirmak and Sakarya for spawning: anadromous beluga Huso huso, Russian sturgeon Acipenser gueldenstaedtii, stellate sturgeon A.stellatus, European sturgeon A. sturio and the river resident ship sturgeon A. nudiventris and sterlet A. ruthenus. Sturgeons had played an important role in the history Black sea fisheries, but due to overexploitation, followed by extensive river regulations and deterioration of water quality decrease in their populations has led most of them to the verge of extinction. During the 20th Century, world demand for sturgeon meat and caviar has inflated the economic value of sturgeons so Danube basin countries and Turkey develop commercial aquaculture and conservational programs. As result of protective measures the limited natural spawning of beluga, Russian and stellate sturgeons and sterlet is preserved in Danube. In Sakarya River last spawning population of stellate sturgeon exists. These species and Siberian sturgeon are important objects of commercial aquaculture in all countries of Black sea basin. The leaders of commercial sturgeon farming in this region are Bulgaria and Israel. The sturgeon aquaculture of Hungary and Turkey developed rapidly. Saudi Arabia and United Arab Emirates are important importers of caviar. Saudi Arabia is large consumer of caviar and UAE is one of main re-exporter of caviar. Both Arab countries develop own sturgeon aquaculture.


Subject Middle East hydrocarbons routes. Significance Geopolitical uncertainty is increasing in the Middle East due to the confrontation between Iran and its Arab neighbours, and the internal splits within the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC). These include the breach between Qatar and the group of Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Bahrain; as well as -- to a much lesser extent -- the Saudi-Kuwaiti Neutral Zone dispute. Impacts Hormuz access will always be indispensable to Kuwait, Qatar, Iraq and Iran itself. Competition will increase around the Bab al-Mandab -- a key secondary energy transit route -- among Turkey, Egypt, Iran and the GCC states. The boycott of Qatar by its neighbours will complicate and weaken Arab countries’ responses to Iran and to higher oil prices.


1989 ◽  
Vol 13 (5) ◽  
pp. 240-245 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ihsan Al-Issa

In recent years, there has been increasing interest in the development of psychiatry in the Arab countries. Several reports have dealt with psychiatric problems in Iraq, Kuwait and Saudi Arabia (Al-Issa & Al-Issa, 1970; Kline, 1963; Dubovsky, 1983). Two general reviews have also dealt with major psychiatric research in the Arab Middle East (El-Islam, 1982; Racy, 1970). However, the countries surveyed have been under British and American influence and tend to follow the Anglo-Saxon psychiatric model. Little attention has been given to North African Arab countries which follow the French and franco-phone approach to psychiatry.


1970 ◽  
pp. 16-19
Author(s):  
Adele Khudr

Education of females is still a topic of interest in many countries, for despite the decrease in illiteracy rates and the rise in education levels in developing countries, there is still much to hope for. I will attempt, in this article, to shed light on female education in three countries of the Middle East region, notably Egypt, Saudi Arabia and Iran.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-60
Author(s):  
Miftahul Huda

The reality of the difference in applying Islamic law in the context of marriage law legislation in modern Muslim countries is undeniable. Tunisia and Turkey, for example, have practiced Islamic law of liberal nuance. Unlike the case with Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates that still use the application of Islamic law as it is in their fiqh books. In between these two currents many countries are trying to apply the law in their own countries by trying to bridge the urgent new needs and local wisdom. This is widely embraced by modern Muslim countries in general. This paper reviews typologically the heterogeneousness of family law legislation of modern Muslim countries while responding to modernization issues. Typical buildings seen from modern family law reforms can be classified into four types. The first type is progressive, pluralistic and extradoctrinal reform, such as in Turkey and Tunisia. The second type is adaptive, unified and intradoctrinal reform, as in Indonesia, Malaysia, Morocco, Algeria and Pakistan. The third type is adaptive, unified and intradoctrinal reform, represented by Iraq. While the fourth type is progressive, unifiied and extradoctrinal reform, which can be represented by Somalia and Algeria.


Stratigraphy ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-46 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael A. Kaminski ◽  
Septriandi A. Chan ◽  
Ramona Balc ◽  
Hafiz Mehtab Gull ◽  
Abduljamiu O. Amao ◽  
...  

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