Somali Resistance to Colonial Rule and the Development of Somali Political Activity in Kenya 1893–1960

1972 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 119-143 ◽  
Author(s):  
E. R. Turton
Keyword(s):  
Political Support ◽  
The Other ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Colonial Rule ◽  
The Government ◽  
Political Associations ◽  
Colonial Government ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Somali Youth

This article investigates the relationship between different phases of Somali political activity in Kenya. A clear contrast emerges between the focus, the aims and the methods adopted by the Somali pastoralists along the northern frontier and those adopted by the Isaq and Herti Somali traders in Nairobi and Isiolo. The attitude of the former towards the Colonial Government was essentially negative. Yet, while they tended to be resisterspar excellenceand fought against the Government on a large number of occasions between 1893 and 1916, this article shows that their resistance was much more limited than has generally been supposed and that they were never united on a clan basis in their resistance. In fact intra-clan rivalries seriously undermined the effectiveness of their activities Moreover, certain weaker Somali segments actively cooperated with the Government in order to obtain military and political support for their positions which were threatened by stronger groups.On the other hand, Isaq and Herti traders attempted to manipulate the political institution in order to obtain additional privileges within the system. Their agitation had positive goals, for they campaigned to gain Asiatic status. They put pressure on the central organs of Government and hired lawyers to plead their case. They wrote numerous petitions and memorials to governors of the colony, to Secretaries of State and even to two British kings. They formed well-organized political associations and had contacts in British Somaliland and England. Yet, by a curious irony, it seems that the Somali Exemption Ordinance of 1919, which represented the closest they came to achieving non-native status, was not passed as a result of their campaigns. In fact, their later agitation achieved nothing; it seems to have represented a futile effort to counter the gradual erosion of privileges obtained at an earlier date.One of the main characteristics of the Isaq and Herti agitation was its essentially sectarian character. In fighting to obtain Asiatic status they emphasized traits that isolated them from other Somali groups, and they even ended by denying that they were Somali. As such, there was a considerable disparity between their aims and those of the Somali Youth League which emerged in 1946 as the main vehicle of mass Somali nationalism, uniting the Somali pastoralists and traders in one group.

Peru: the Political Economy of an Intermediate Regime

1976 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-71 ◽  
Author(s):  
E. V. K. Fitzgerald
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Foreign Capital ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Intermediate Regime ◽  
Domestic Capital ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Made In

Any attempt to define the changes in the Peruvian political economy that have taken place since 1968 1 must be made in terms of the relationship between the state and domestic capital on the one hand and foreign capital on the other, and must offer an explanation of the way in which this military- controlled state has tended to replace the former and establish a new relationship with the latter. In particular, the confrontation between the government and foreign capital, and the significance of internal ownership reforms cannot be understood without reference to the development of Peruvian capitalism before 1968.

The Rise of Nationalism in Colonial Africa: The Case of Colonial Malawi

1968 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 142-161 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roger K. Tangri
Keyword(s):  
Social System ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Language Group ◽  
Colonial Rule ◽  
African Society ◽  
Institutional Form ◽  
Deep Roots ◽  
British Rule ◽  
The Relationship

The years of colonial rule in Malawi (formerly Nyasaland) were characterised by the imposition of a political and social system whereby a superior European authority attempted to exercise its will over a territory already populated by Africans. This enforced colonial relationship determined the pattern of political change within the Protectorate, so that any variation in the fundamentals of the relationship was bound to have important repercussions on the total colonial situation. From the earliest years of British rule in Malawi, Africans sought to modify or alter the colonial relationship and it is this sort of African sentiment and activity in reaction to alien control and domination that has come to be regarded as manifestations of nationalism not only in colonial Malawi but also in the other ex-colonial territories of Africa. Thomas Hodgkin, for example, has lumped under the general rubric of ‘nationalism’ “any organisation or group that explicitly asserts the rights, claims and aspirations of a given African society (from the level of the language-group to that of ‘Pan-Africa’) in opposition to European authority, whatever its institutional form and objectives”. Others, however, although appreciating the deep roots of nationalism have tended to confine the use of the term to the post-1945 period with its emergence of nation-wide movements seeking self-government and independence. They have argued that to include every social movement of protest against alien rule as a part of nationalism obscures the political meaning of the concept, blurs the important distinctions that can be made among African responses to the colonial situation, and makes comparative analysis difficult.

Political Legitimacy in Israel: How Important Is the State?

1979 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 205-224
Author(s):  
Donna Robinson Divine
Keyword(s):  
Political Science ◽  
Political Behavior ◽  
Political Legitimacy ◽  
Political Community ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Modern Analysis ◽  
The Government ◽  
Political Associations ◽  
Primary Unit

Without knowing its exact dimensions, political scientists have taken government to be the primary unit for the study of political behavior. No matter how far modern analysis appears to be from the formalism embodied in mere descriptions of government, political science still assumes that the institutions of government form the major system within which political activity is embedded.1 Government is understood not simply as the organization ordering political activity, but also as the foundation of the moral community within which people live. Government not only symbolizes but also defines appropriate political behavior, proper political associations, and, of course, legality and illegality. Government is thought to define right by virtue of its possession of legitimacy, a power that holds people together through their adherence to a public morality supposedly articulated and certified through the government.2 Political scientists attribute legitimacy to governments when it appears that the community over which such governments rule is cohesive. The legitimacy of government is understood as an isomorphism of the coherence of the political community.

Politics and the Reception of Andrew Lloyd Webber’sThe Phantom of the Opera

2014 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 271-287
Author(s):  
Amanda Eubanks Winkler
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Context ◽  
The Political ◽  
Government Subsidy ◽  
Critical Response ◽  
Elite Culture ◽  
Art Form ◽  
The Government ◽  
Reagan Era ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
The Relationship

AbstractThis article analyses the complicated and conflicted critical response to Andrew Lloyd Webber’sThe Phantom of the Operawithin the political, economic and cultural context of the Thatcher/Reagan era. British critics writing for Conservative-leaning broadsheets and tabloids took nationalist pride in Lloyd Webber’s commercial success, while others on both sides of the Atlantic claimed thatPhantomwas tasteless and crassly commercial, a musical manifestation of a new Gilded Age. Broader issues regarding the relationship between the government and ‘elite’ culture also affected the critical response. For some,Phantomforged a path for a new kind of populist opera that could survive and thrive without government subsidy, while less sympathetic critics heardPhantom’s ‘puerile’ operatics as sophomoric jibes against an art form they esteemed.

Don’t hatch the messenger? On the desirability of restricting the political activity of bureaucrats

2021 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-139
Author(s):  
Jean Guillaume Forand ◽  
Gergely Ujhelyi
Keyword(s):  
Welfare Analysis ◽  
Political Campaigns ◽  
Active Part ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
Voter Perceptions ◽  
The Government ◽  
Government Workers

Many countries place restrictions on the political rights of government workers. This includes limitations on political activities such as taking an active part in political campaigns. Are such restrictions desirable? We present a formal welfare analysis of this question. Bureaucrats’ political activities affect voter perceptions of the government and this can have informational benefits. However, they can also induce policy mistakes and are susceptible to ‘noise’ from some bureaucrats’ innate desire for political expression. When politicians have limited control over bureaucrats and successfully coordinate with voters, bureaucrats’ political activities can be desirable. In most cases, however, banning political activities is optimal.

Towards the Socratic Mission: Imitatio Socratis

2021 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 193-222
Author(s):  
Mathias G. Parding
Keyword(s):  
Psychological Climate ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Movements ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Political Associations ◽  
The One ◽  
Point Of Departure ◽  
The Church

Abstract It is known that Kierkegaard’s relation to politics was problematic and marked by a somewhat reactionary stance. The nature of this problematic relation, however, will be shown to lie in the tension between his double skepticism of the order of establishment [det Bestående] on the one hand, and the political associations of his age on the other. In this tension he is immersed, trembling between Scylla and Charybdis. On the one hand Kierkegaard is hesitant to support the progressive political movements of the time due to his skepticism about the principle of association in the socio-psychological climate of leveling and envy. On the other hand, his dubious support of the order of the establishment, in particular the Church and Bishop Mynster, becomes increasingly problematic. The importance of 1848 is crucial in this regard since this year marks the decisive turn in Kierkegaard’s authorship. Using the letters to Kolderup-Rosenvinge in the wake of the cataclysmic events of 1848 as my point of departure, I wish to elucidate the pathway towards what Kierkegaard himself understands as his Socratic mission.

A Constitution for a Nonstate

2014 ◽  
Vol 43 (2) ◽  
pp. 42-58
Author(s):  
Emilio Dabed
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Constitutional Order ◽  
Economic Context ◽  
Basic Law ◽  
History Of ◽  
The One ◽  
Constitutional Regime ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Law Making

This article sheds new light on the political history of legal-constitutional developments in Palestine in the fourteen years following the Oslo Accord. It examines the relationship between the unfolding social, political, and economic context in which they arose, on the one hand, and PA law-making and legal praxis, on the other. Focusing on the evolution of the Palestinian Basic Law and constitutional regime, the author argues that the “Palestinian constitutional process” was a major “battlefield” for the actors of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. Thus, changes in the actors' political strategies at various junctures were mirrored in legal-constitutional forms, specifically in the political structure of the PA. In that sense, the constitutional order can be understood as a sort of “metaphoric representation” of Palestinian politics, reflecting, among other things, the colonial nature of the Palestinian context that the Oslo process only rearticulated. This perspective is also essential for understanding the evolution of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict after Oslo.

scholarly journals Analisis Hubungan Sikap dan Pengetahuan Keluarga dengan Penerapan Program Indonesia Sehat dengan Pendekatan Keluarga

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 13
Author(s):  
Ifon Driposwana Putra ◽  
Ulfa Hasana
Keyword(s):  
Public Health ◽  
The Other ◽  
Bivariate Analysis ◽  
P Value ◽  
Cross Sectional ◽  
Family Approach ◽  
Low Degree ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Improve Health

<p><em>The government has proclaimed Healthy Indonesia Program with Family Approach (PIS-PK), aiming to improve health level of its people; howeverthe implementation is far from satisfying and not equally distributed so that there is still a low degree of public health. This study aims to analyze the relationship between attitudes and family knowledge with the adoption of the Healthy Indonesia Program with a family approach in Pekanbaru. The type of research is descriptive correlation with cross sectional approach. The sample in this study was 100 families. The result of bivariate analysis showed that there was a significant correlation between family’s attitudes toward PIS-PK, with p value of 0.018. On the other hand, it also showed that there was no significant correlation between family’s knowledge toward PIS-PK, with p value only 0.159. It is hoped that this study can be used as leaning materials, references for health officers, as well as suggestions regarding the implementation of PIS-PK</em></p><p><em><em>Pemerintah telah membuat Program Indonesia Sehat melalui penedekatan keluarga (PIS-PK) dengan tujuan agar meningkatnya derajat kesehatan masyarakat, namun dalam penerapannya masih belum maksimal dan merata sehingga masih terdapat derajat kesehatan masyarakat yang masih rendah. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis hubungan sikap dan pengetahuan keluarga dengan penerapan Program Indonesia Sehat dengan pendekatan keluarga di Pekanbaru. Jenis penelitian desktiptif korelasi dengan pendekatan cross sectional. Sampel dalam penelitian ini adalah 100 Keluarga. Hasil analisis bivariat didapatkan bahwa ada hubungan yang signifikan antara sikap keluarga dengan penerapan PIS-PKmdengan p value adalah 0,018. Didapatkan juga bahwa tidak ada hubungan yang signifikan antara pengetahuan keluarga dengan penerapan PIS-PK dengan nilai p value adalah 0,159. Hasil penelitian ini dapat dijadikan bahan ajar dan menjadi acuan oleh petugas kesehatan serta menjadi masukan untuk dalam penerapan PIS-PK</em></em></p>

Trustworthy Government and Legitimating Beliefs

2019 ◽  
pp. 362-384
Author(s):  
Margaret Levi
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
State Building ◽  
The Other ◽  
Sufficient Condition ◽  
Goods And Services ◽  
Moral Economies ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Advanced Democracies

A trustworthy government is one that keeps its promises (or has exceptionally good reasons why it fails to), is relatively fair in its decision-making and enforcement processes, and delivers goods and services. A legitimate government is one that appeals to widely accepted justifications for its selection, maintenance, and policies. Investigations across history and countries reveal that the more trustworthy the government, the more likely it is to evoke observation of its laws and acquiescence to policies. Less clear is the link between perceptions that government is trustworthy and beliefs that it is legitimate, at least in countries claiming or trying to be democratic. Being trustworthy in practices and outcomes may contribute to perceptions of government legitimacy. However, trustworthiness is, at best, a necessary but not sufficient condition for legitimating beliefs. This chapter explores the relationship between the trustworthiness of government and its legitimacy by considering cases from both advanced democracies and state-building efforts. It argues that current democracies may need to refashion their moral economies—the extra-market reciprocal rights and obligations that link populations, governments, corporations, and all the other various organizations that make up the society—if they are to reestablish strong grounds for legitimacy.

Cultivating Science

2018 ◽  
pp. 59-91
Author(s):  
Michitake Aso
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Detailed Knowledge ◽  
Rubber Industry ◽  
Agricultural Improvement ◽  
Rubber Plantations ◽  
French Colonial ◽  
Plantation Agriculture ◽  
Colonial Government ◽  
The Relationship

Plantation regimes encouraged knowledge production about plant and disease ecologies and the relationship among organisms and their environments more generally. More detailed knowledge about newly introduced plant species, plant and human diseases, and their shared environments was a key ingredient of better, more profitable management of rubber plantations. Chapter 2 explores the process by which agronomy came to support the burgeoning rubber industry after rubber arrived in Indochina in 1897. The French colonial government was not the first to encourage agricultural improvement on the Indochinese peninsula, but the qualitative and quantitative investment that it made in these projects set it apart from previous states. Encouraged by the success of their British and Dutch neighbors, French planters envisioned turning biologically and culturally diverse landscapes into neat rows of hevea. Plantation agriculture also played an important role in defining the political and intellectual scope of the science of ecology in Indochina, encouraging agronomists to direct their energies toward transnational businesses and the colonial project. The process of integrating the efforts of scientists, officials, and planters was not always smooth, however, and this chapter highlights the conflicts and tensions generated by a political economy of plantation agriculture.

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