The Modern Republican Party: Resurgence or Decline?

1988 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 225-247
Author(s):  
Nicol C. Rae

In the study of contemporary American politics the phenomenon referred to as the “decline of party” has aroused considerable debate. Many writing on this subject maintain that American parties have been in a longterm and irreversible process of secular decline. Others hold that American parties have merely changed their role in the political system and although increasingly eliminated from presidential politics have developed considerably as national political organisations. This latter thesis has particular reference to the Republican party. The GOP has won four of the last five presidential elections, and has developed its national party organisation to a level of efficacy and sophistication unprecedented in American history.

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katarzyna Jasko ◽  
Joanna Grzymala-Moszczynska ◽  
Marta Maj ◽  
Marta Szastok ◽  
Arie W. Kruglanski

Reactions of losers and winners of political elections have important consequences for the political system during the times of power transition. In four studies conducted immediately before and after the 2016 US presidential elections we investigated how personal significance induced by success or failure of one’s candidate is related to hostile vs. benevolent intentions toward political adversaries. We found that the less significant supporters of Hillary Clinton and supporters of Donald Trump felt after an imagined (Study 1A) or actual (Study 2) electoral failure the more they were willing to engage in peaceful actions against the elected president and the less they were willing to accept the results of the elections. However, while significance gain due to an imagined or actual electoral success was related to more benevolent intentions among Clinton supporters (Study 1B), it was related to more hostile intentions among Trump supporters (Studies 1B, 2, and 3).


Norteamérica ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ernesto Domínguez López

 This article examines presidential election processes in the state of Florida. A set of criteria is proposed for the definition of its swing state condition whereby it can be observed that Florida is in compliance since the early 1990s. The electoral impact of Florida is considered in light of the growth of its electoral college and its transformation into a swing state is interpreted as a state-level expression of the political realignment that followed the transition period of the 1970s and the 1980s. An ongoing trend of changes in the composition of Hispanic communities is also observed, as well as variations in their electoral behaviors. Within the frame of a national transition process, the registered trends and data indicate the existence of suitable conditions for a new political realignment in Florida as part of a nationwide realignment. The emerging configuration of the political system in this state is undetermined. 


Author(s):  
Dario Rodrigues da Silva ◽  
Breno Martins Campos

Em diálogo com o referencial teórico weberiano de afinidades eletivas – a possibilitar o reconhecimento de articulações entre as instâncias religiosa e política, dentre outras, numa sociedade em determinado período da história –, o escopo deste trabalho propõe-se a compreender as relações, o engajamento e as ações políticas estabelecidas por representantes destacados de denominações protestantes de mentalidade fundamentalista nos EUA e suas interações com o Partido Republicano durante o período compreendido entre as eleições presidenciais de 1948 e 1980. Por meio de pesquisa bibliográfica, o objetivo deste artigo é descrever e interpretar como foram conduzidas essas relações e como as interações transformaram os agentes das ações (o fundamentalismo protestante e seus desdobramentos) e a estrutura, os objetivos e as práticas do Partido Republicano.In dialogue with the theoretical Weberian referential of elective affinities – to enable the recognition of articulations between religious and political instances, among others, in a society in a certain period of history –, this work proposes an investigation of the relations, the engagement and the political actions established by prominent representatives of Protestant denominations of fundamentalist mentality in the USA and their interactions with the Republican Party during the period between the presidential elections of 1948 and 1980. Through bibliographical research, the objective of this article is to describe and interpret how these relations were conducted and how the interactions transformed the agents of action (Protestant fundamentalism and its ramifications) and the structure, goals, and practices of the Republican Party.


2016 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-41
Author(s):  
Michael E. Meagher ◽  

This essay explores the 2016 election using 1964 for comparison. The central theme is that 1964 set the context for subsequent presidential elections. Issues and public policy revolved around the standards set by the 1964 converting election. Both race and religion played a role in the 1964 converting election that redefined the Democratic Party as the liberal political party for the nation, and the Republican as its conservative counterpart. This established a political regime that endures until the present day, but its endurance has had deleterious consequences for the discussion of new proposals. Change happens slowly and piecemeal. Both parties maintain high levels of spending as politics has been reduced to administration, a technocracy rather than representative democracy. The resulting pressures and frustrations manifest themselves with increasing frequency in the political system. The tumultuous 2016 campaign is the latest manifestation of this dissatisfaction among voters. Given the peculiarities of 2016, are we on the verge of a historic realignment, one that may set a similar standard for a generation?


2012 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 777-791 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mirjana Kasapović

Croatia represents in many respects a unique case in the world in the way it standardized the right to vote, the electoral model, and the pattern of political representation of the diaspora in the national parliament. Besides standard theoretical arguments that explain the right of diaspora members to vote in parliamentary and presidential elections in the country, the authorities made use of a number of contextually specific political, economic, military, and moral reasons for that. It was shown that principled reasons which were used to justify legalizing diaspora voting rights and institutionalization of special electoral models as well as the patterns of political representation in the Croatian parliament were subordinated to the interests to symbolically integrate the Croats from Bosnia and Herzegovina in the political system of Croatia, who would then, as a sort of generic voters, secure safe votes and bonus seats for the Croatian Democratic Union.


Author(s):  
Marius M. Carriere

Chapter 3 discusses how the Know Nothing party affected the entire state with several election victories. The chapter stresses Know Nothing resolve to affect reform and native-American control of the political system. The chapter also demonstrates how Know Nothings have been incorrectly characterized by earlier historians of the party in Louisiana. The chapter points out how the influence of northern Know Nothings’ opposition to slavery placed a heavy burden on the creditability of southern and Louisiana Know Nothings in the South and in Louisiana. For Louisiana, this chapter confronts the anti-Catholicism and secretiveness of the national party that embarrasses the party in the state and how Louisiana Americans stressed their conservatism and devotion to the Union as a way to avoid the slavery issue.


2019 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 733-754
Author(s):  
Maciej Hartliński

This article is part of the special cluster titled Political Parties and Direct Democracy in Eastern Europe, guest-edited by Sergiu Gherghina. The article is the first attempt to describe and compare five nationwide referendums in Poland after 1989 as tools of direct democracy exploited by political parties. The article makes two primary contributions to the literature. The explanation focuses on the circumstances as well as the two main motives of the referendum initiators, that is, to cause trouble for political opponents and strengthen one’s own position by legitimising one’s own proposals concerning the political system and foreign policy directions. Moreover, the article discusses six methods employed by political parties to use the institution of nationwide referendum for their own political purposes. Interestingly, the Polish example shows that nationwide referendums have twofold effects for their initiators. On the one hand, they allow political parties to effectively realise the aims behind the initiated referendum. On the other hand, both political parties (1996, 1997, 2003) and presidents (1996 and 2015) sustained defeats in the next parliamentary or presidential elections.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Husik Ghulyan

Russian Abstract: Цель статьи выявление и интерпретация географических особенностей национально-консервативных электоральных предпочтений населения в Республике Армения. Для этого анализировалось структура политического пространства РА в 1998-2007 гг. и существование в этом пространстве политических сил разных идеологических ориентаций. В политическом пространстве РА как основные национал-консервативные силы приняв РПА и АРФ Дашнакцутюн, анализировалось итоги участия этих сил в парламентских и президентских выборах 1998-2007гг.В итоге с помощью сопоставления и пространство-временного анализа итогов парламентских и президентских выборов, автор пришел к выводу, что в РА от северо-запада республики (Ширак) к юго-востоку (Сюник) просматривается постепенное (градиентное) повышение уровня национально-консервативных электоральных предпочтений населения.English Abstract: This article aims to reveal and analyze the geographical features of nationalist-conservative electoral preferences of the population in the Republic of Armenia. For this purpose, the structure of the political landscape of Armenia in the period of 1998-2007 and the existence of political parties of various ideological orientations have been analyzed. In the paper, Republican Party of Armenia and ARF Dashnaktsutyun have been considered as the major nationalist-conservative political forces, and the voting for these parties during the parliamentary and presidential elections of 1998-2007 period has been elaborated. As a result of comparative and spatiotemporal analysis, the paper concludes that in Armenia there is a gradual increase of the level of nationalist-conservative electoral preferences of the population from the northwest (Shirak) to the southeast (Syunik) of the country.


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