LATE-ENTRY-INTO-MOTHERHOOD WOMEN ARE RESPONSIBLE FOR FERTILITY RECUPERATION

2014 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 275-279 ◽  
Author(s):  
RUBÉN CASTRO

SummaryIn countries where age at parenthood has shifted to older ages, a necessary precondition for fertility recuperation is that women having their first child later in life (after age 30) will also eventually achieve a higher completed fertility, compared with the previous cohorts. This study analysed the changes in age-at-first-child-conditional fertility rates in Western Europe through three birth cohorts (1936–1940, 1946–1950 and 1956–1960). It was found that generations where recuperation is first evident (1956–1960 cohort) are characterized by comparatively higher fertility of late age-at-first-child women. This characteristic is not found in Eastern Europe, where ages at first birth and cohort fertility remained fairly constant across the cohorts analysed.

2006 ◽  
pp. 197-206
Author(s):  
Mirjana Devedzic

Important changes in the reproduction of Vojvodina population happened in the second half of XX century. In the end of the century, the society was ruined. A large inflow of refugees in that period, as well as a social and economic situation inappropriate for making birthgiving decisions, raised the questions like how such conditions have influenced the fertility in the population, and whether the trends have continued. This paper analyzes several fertility indicators in Vojvodina over the last five decades focusing especially on the 1990s and early 2000s, in order to explain the major tendencies and the intensity of changes. It shows changes in the number of live births, specific fertility rates, total fertility rates, cohort fertility, woman?s age at first birth, and divorce frequency.


1997 ◽  
pp. 18-34
Author(s):  
Kalev Katus

The article is a short overview of some principal fertility trends in Estonia. Finland. Latvia, Lithuania, and Sweden. Those countries, from the historical perspective, have been characterized by relatively early start of demographic transition. Also, in period of fertility transition, these countries have demonstrated rather similar developments and formed one of the most homogenous subregions in Europe in this respect. However, post-transitional fertility development has been rather desynchronized between the named countries: not only the Baltic-Scandinavian differences but also the difference between Estonia-Latvia and Lithuania as well as between Sweden and Finland has become important. The noticeable part of this heterogeneity is explained by the relatively stable cohort fertility in Estonia and Latvia while in Finland. Lithuania, and Sweden the birth cohorts have had rather divergent outcomes of their fertility careers. Currently the Baltic countries are characterized by sharp fertility decrease, accompanied by the deep structural transformation of the fertility pattern. The intense aging of fertility, particularly because of postponement of the first child, is in contrast to much smoother development of the same kind in Finland and Sweden.


Author(s):  
Marcin Piatkowski

In this chapter I explain why Poland and most countries in Eastern Europe have always lagged behind Western Europe in economic development. I discuss why in the past the European continent split into two parts and how Western and Eastern Europe followed starkly different developmental paths. I then demonstrate how Polish oligarchic elites built extractive institutions and how they adopted ideologies, cultures, and values, which undermined development from the late sixteenth century to 1939. I also describe how the elites created a libertarian country without taxes, state capacity, and rule of law, and how this ‘golden freedom’ led to Poland’s collapse and disappearance from the map of Europe in 1795. I argue that Polish extractive society was so well established that it could not reform itself from the inside. It was like a black hole, where the force of gravity is so strong that the light could not come out.


Author(s):  
Detlef Pollack ◽  
Gergely Rosta

The most important conclusions of this summarizing chapter are the following: The religious landscape of Eastern Europe is more diverse than that of Western Europe. The cases of Poland and the GDR confirm the hypothesis that there is a link between the diffusion of functions and the growth in the importance of religion. The strong processes of biographical individualization that occurred in the post-communist states did not necessarily intensify individual religiosity. The economic market model cannot be confirmed for Eastern Europe. There is in Eastern and Central Europe a demonstrable link between economic prosperity and the loosening of religious and church ties. What can act as a bulwark against the eroding effects of modernization is church activity on the one hand, and the everyday proximity, visibility, and concreteness of religious practices and rituals, symbols, images, and objects on the other.


Author(s):  
Paul D. Kenny

This chapter sets out the puzzle at the center of the book: what explains the success of populist campaigners in India, Asia, and beyond? It summarizes the existing literature on populist success both in Latin America and Western Europe and argues that these explanations do a poor job of explaining Indian and Asian cases in particular. Populists win elections when the institutionalized ties between non-populist parties and voters decay. However, because different kinds of party systems experience distinct stresses and strains, we need different models of populist success based on the prevailing party­–voter linkage system in place in any given country. The chapter then sets out the rationale for concentrating on explaining populist success in patronage-based party systems, which are common not only to Asia, but also to Latin America and Eastern Europe.


2011 ◽  
Vol 26 (7) ◽  
pp. 414-418 ◽  
Author(s):  
V. Jordanova ◽  
N.P. Maric ◽  
V. Alikaj ◽  
M. Bajs ◽  
T. Cavic ◽  
...  

AbstractBackgroundThere has been no evidence about the prescribing practices in psychiatric care in Eastern Europe.AimsTo examine the patterns of psychotropic prescribing in five countries of Eastern Europe.MethodWe conducted a one-day census of psychiatric treatments used in eight psychiatric hospitals in Albania, Croatia, Macedonia, Serbia and Romania. We examined clinical records and medication charts of 1304 patients.ResultsThe use of polypharmacy was frequent across all diagnostic groups. Only 6.8% of patients were on monotherapy. The mean number of prescribed drugs was 2.8 (SD 0.97) with 26.5% receiving two drugs, 42.1% receiving three drugs and 22.1% being prescribed four or more psychotropic drugs. Typical antipsychotics were prescribed to 63% and atypical antipsychotics to 40% of patients with psychosis. Older generations of antidepressants were prescribed to 29% of patients with depression. Anxiolitic drugs were prescribed to 20.4% and benzodiazepines to 68.5% of patients. One third of patients received an anticholinergic drug on a regular basis.ConclusionsOlder generation antipsychotics and antidepressants were used more frequently than in the countries of Western Europe. Psychotropic polypharmacy is a common practice. There is a need for adopting more evidence-based practice in psychiatric care in these countries.


Author(s):  
Cuiling Zhang ◽  
Tomáš Sobotka

AbstractChina’s “one-child policy” that had been in force between 1980 and 2016 evolved over time and differed widely between regions. Local policies in many regions also targeted the timing and spacing of childbearing by setting the minimum age at marriage, first birth and second birth and defining minimum interval between births. Our study uses data from the 120 Counties Population Dynamics Monitoring System to reconstruct fertility level and timing in nine counties in Shandong province, which experienced frequent changes in birth and marriage policies. We reconstruct detailed indicators of fertility by birth order in 1986–2016, when policies on marriage and fertility timing became strictly enforced since 1989 and subsequently relaxed (especially in 2002) and abandoned (in 2013). Our analysis reveals that birth timing policies have fuelled drastic changes in fertility level, timing and spacing in the province. In the early 1990s period fertility rates plummeted to extreme low levels, with the provincial average total fertility rate falling below 1 in 1992–1995. Second births rates fell especially sharply. The age schedule of childbearing shifted to later ages and births became strongly concentrated just above the minimum policy age at first and second birth, resulting in a bimodal distribution of fertility with peaks at ages 25 and 32. Conversely, the abandonment of the province-level policy on the minimum age at marriage and first birth and less strict enforcement of the policy on the minimum age at second birth contributed to a recovery of period fertility rates in the 2000s and a shift to earlier timing of first and second births. It also led to a shorter second birth interval and a re-emergence of a regular age schedule of fertility with a single peak around age 28.


2014 ◽  
Vol 17 ◽  
pp. 19505 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anne Marie Efsen ◽  
Anna Schultze ◽  
Frank Post ◽  
Alexander Panteleev ◽  
Hansjakob Furrer ◽  
...  

2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 144
Author(s):  
Santi Wulan Purnami ◽  
Fitria Nur Aida ◽  
Sutikno Sutikno ◽  
Diyah Herowati ◽  
Achmad Sjafii ◽  
...  

The age of a woman when giving birth to her first child needs to be a concern because it is related to the safety of the mother and baby. A woman being too young or too old increases the risk of death for both the mother and baby. Every woman giving birth for the first time is likely to experience psychological disorders such as anxiety and excessive fear during labor, and even postpartum depression. Given the importance and possible extent of the consequences of women giving birth for the first time, this study intended to assess the factors that influence the age at first birth, especially amongst women of childbearing age in East Java. These factors include the age at first marriage, education, and region. The method used was the extended Cox regression model. The analysis shows that the age at first marriage and education are factors that significantly influence the age at first birth. The more mature the age at first marriage, the more mature the age at first birth. Likewise, the higher the educational status, the higher the potential for giving birth to a first child over the age of 23, especially amongst women who graduated high school and university.


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