scholarly journals Against the Grain: Spanish Trade Policy in the Interwar Years

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-45
Author(s):  
Concepción Betrán ◽  
Michael Huberman

We study the effects of domestic conflict and external shocks on Spanish trade policy in the interwar period. Our account mobilizes a new granular dataset on exports and imports, and good-country level information on tariffs, trade agreements, and quotas. Into the Depression, the mainstay of policy was the tariff. The establishment of the Second Republic in 1931 was a turning point in policymaking. The new regime initiated bilateral trade negotiations. The Republic’s dilemma was to find countries willing to exchange market access. In a daunting international environment, the Spanish case offers a poignant reminder of the perils of going against the grain.

Author(s):  
S. S. DMITRIEV

The article explores the Trump administration’s trade policy,  characterized by: attempts to rewrite the rules of international trade  according to the regulations established by the American side, “skepticism” with respect to the international regulatory  institutions of foreign trade, a course on the renegotiation of the  existing agreements. In a relationship with a number of countries,  manifestations of “ultimatizm” – the desire to negotiate with them from a position of strength are becoming increasingly evident.  Relapses of economic isolationism under the slogan “Restore the Greatness of America” periodically are being transformed into  concrete protectionist actions. The number of imposed import restrictions is growing, and their arsenal is expanding. It is  concluded, that tightening of the market access to the domestic  market for foreign suppliers is unlikely to lead to a significant  reduction in the US trade deficit. Bet on abandoning multilateral  arrangements in favor of bilateral trade agreements, conscious  downplaying of the role and importance of the WTO and other  international institutions can also be counterproductive. Focus on  dominance in the sphere of foreign economic activity apparently will remain the main direction of Trump trade policy until the end of the  term of his administration. However, under pressure from competitors, and because of the lack of real allies, the United States  will be forced to demonstrate greater flexibility and pragmatism, the  propensity to compromise and to establishment of temporary or  permanent blocs with their main trading partners. The idea of  “normality”, refraining from populism, will gradually begin to return  to the trade policy of this country. If, however the Trump  government will continue to act in isolation, without taking into  account the opinion of the world community, an increasing number  of partners of the United States will perceive it not as a leader, but as a violator of the rules of international trade. Under certain  circumstances, such a policy can provoke local and global trade  conflicts. In addition, the United States not necessarily will have to be the winner in them.


Author(s):  
Louise Curran

This chapter builds on trade data and a wide range of existing research in the Global Value Chain (GVC) and international economics literature, to highlight the importance of trade policy to sourcing decisions in the fashion sector. Using the EU as an example, it highlights how preferential access through unilateral or bilateral trade regimes, provides incentives to source fashion goods in certain countries and how the conditions attached to market access can impact, both on sourcing and on governance in producing countries. Finally, the issue of anti-dumping action and its actual and potential impacts on the fashion sector is explored. The chapter concludes with some observations on the growing importance of effective oversight of supply chains, in a context where retailers are increasingly being called to account for the impacts of their sourcing choices.


2018 ◽  
Vol 86 (2) ◽  
pp. 240-260
Author(s):  
Anna M. Galazka ◽  
Malcolm J. Beynon ◽  
Tim Edwards

This article examines the variation in the level of use of information and communication technologies by national bodies of labour administrations across 81 different countries. Extending empirical research on the state of information and communication technology use, it introduces a prototype index of country-level information and communication technology use. The index allows for the exposition of the contributions of sub-dimensions of information and communication technology use, including labour inspection, public employment services and labour dispute prevention and settlement. Graphical evidence showing sub-index and final index formulations for individual countries is given, along with graphical evidence of the country-level ranking and geographical variations of information and communication technology use (including the sub-dimensions of this use). The future potential of the prescribed approach is demonstrated by offering possible explanations behind the results on a sample of countries.


1987 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 314-356 ◽  
Author(s):  
LEWIS W. SNIDER

Many measures of state power are defined in terms of the material capabilities of states, but ignore important differentials in the state's capacity to convert material resources into political power. This paper presents a theoretical rationale for a measure of government performance that takes into account differentials in a political system's susceptibility to external shocks from the global environment and its ability to respond to these through domestic policy adjustment. This approach differs from other empirical definitions of power in that it taps a government's strength with respect to its own society and to the international environment. The paper's main contribution is to describe and to operationalize a way of evaluating state power with respect to both the global environment and to society, based on the twin functions of penetration and extraction.


2012 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 143-176 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nipawan Thirawat ◽  
Frederick Robins ◽  
Georges Baume
Keyword(s):  

2011 ◽  
Vol 55 (3) ◽  
pp. 340-365 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fabiana Machado ◽  
Carlos Scartascini ◽  
Mariano Tommasi

In this article, the authors argue that where institutions are strong, actors are more likely to participate in the political process through institutionalized arenas, while where they are weak, protests and other unconventional means of participation become more appealing. The authors explore this relationship empirically by combining country-level measures of institutional strength with individual-level information on protest participation in seventeen Latin American countries. The authors find evidence that weaker political institutions are associated with a higher propensity to use alternative means for expressing preferences, that is, to protest.


Author(s):  
James Simpson ◽  
Juan Carmona

On the eve of the Second Republic enormous estates were believed to be undercultivated by their absentee owners, denying landless workers employment, and leading to widespread rural poverty in southern Spain. The slow implementation of a land reform deeply divided Spanish society, and is often cited as a cause of the outbreak of the Civil War. This paper, using a large sample of farm level information collected by the Institute of Agrarian Reform for the estates expropriated in the region of Extremadura, questions whether large farms were poorly cultivated, and argues that not only did the state lack the capacity to carry out a major reform, but that there was insufficient land available to solve the problems of underemployed rural workers.


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