The Nuclear Obsession: I. “Limited War”

Worldview ◽  
1966 ◽  
Vol 9 (12) ◽  
pp. 4-6
Author(s):  
Jack Walker

The general tone of the continuing dialogue between individuals and groups concerned with war, foreign policy in general, and morality is partly the result of the contradictions inherent in what I shall here term the “nuclear obsession.” While precise definitions are not critical in an essay of this sort, the nuclear obsession is defined here as the point of view, or state of mind, which holds that nuclear questions are of such overriding importance in the conduct of war and foreign policy that they dwarf all other questions. Those who attempt to think most precisely about what the world ultimately may have to do if it is to come to grips with the nuclear problem are not at all afraid of massive political change.

2018 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 182-196
Author(s):  
D. V. Alontseva

The article is devoted to the consideration of such a phenomenon as a revolution in the development of Russian statehood. The main purpose of the article is to reflect on the historical parallels of a revolution, regular shifts in the resultant political changes in the country, and the transformation of Russia’s role in the world arena. So it happened, but the statehood of Russia was built on revolutions and coups. From a historical point of view, the revolutionary actions of 1917, which brought about the collapse of Russian capitalism, are a result of the domestic political situation in Russia in those years. Such a radical transformation as a revolution is always accompanied by an uncontrolled and at the same time rapid reorientation of the entire course of the country and, hence, the predetermination of its future for the years to come. The social strata, and sometimes even whole estates, which to some extent did not suit the state of affairs within the country has always been the driving force of the revolution. The spirit of rebelliousness and emotional upheaval for his Fatherland in the years of hardships has always been in the nature of a Russian person. Any state like a structure has a critical safety margin. Russia with its rich heritage and diverse internal political currents will always be at risk of a revolution. Careful attention should be paid to the obsolescence of state structures, which, in view of their strategic importance, must be preserved. It is necessary not only to preserve the unshakable, but also to improve from considerations of temporary changes the institutions of social assistance, electivity, democracy, family values, freedom of opinions, personal inviolability, etc.


2021 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 533-539
Author(s):  
Vasily Sesemann

This publication presents manuscript of the famous Russian-Lithuanian philosopher Vasily Seseman (1884-1963) accompanied by a preface. The manuscript "Sport and Contemporary Culture" is the text of Seseman's manuscript collection, which is located in Vilnius University (F122-79). Manuscript is a preparatory text for the article "Time, Culture and Body" (first published in 1931 under the pen name "V. Chukhnin", and then in 1935 under his real name). In "Time, Culture and Body" Sesemann develops his ideas concerning the objectifying attitude, which leads to human's alienation towards body and time. Sesemann claims that the time is perceived as a meaningful entirety only when the time is contemplated from the point of view of work. Work is a purpose-attaining activity where subjective creativity is oriented towards an objective result in future. Working in pursuit of one's goals helps to avoid facing the emptiness of time, but at the same time it alienates the present. Work helps the subject to overcome his individual limitations and to become a part of the objective culture. By hiding behind the results of an objective activity people avoid direct contact with the time because it may appear as an interruption of meaningful relations and as a boredom. The tendency to objectify time is accompanied by the process of objectification of body. Previously, a primitive person could trust his body more than tools. In the modern culture body is gradually downgraded because tools, machinery and even separate institutions take over its functions. In this way the centre of culture is moved to the world of objects which is beyond a subject's control and body plays a merely auxiliary part. A person can overcome his alienation towards time and body only by being wakeful - here and now, by self-knowledge and self-control. Sesemann describes the self-control as the practical ability and mood, which he called "presence of mind". In this state of mind person is able to fing oneself, concentrate and mobilise all his strength to his utmost, maintain inner composure, calmness and balance of spirit.


1993 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 53-70 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ken Dyer ◽  
Pam Gunnell

Among the most significant, controversial and difficult concepts for environmental educators and students alike to come to terms with are those of the anthropocentric (or totally human centred) view of the environment compared with the biocentric (or totally non-human centred) attitude to the environment. The concepts are significant because they represent profoundly different philosophical positions and also because they may have far reaching implications and, therefore, consequences in practice. Eckersley (1992, p.26) says:… the most fundamental division from an ecophilosophical point of view is between those who adopt an anthropocentric ecological perspective and those who adopt a nonanthropocentric ecological (or ecocentric) perspective.They are controversial because both views have been said, by different authors, to be either totally disastrous or absolutely redeeming for the planet. For instance, in his recent authoritative and well received book Towards A Transpersonal Ecology, philosopher Warwick Fox writes (1990, p. 13)… anthropocentrism represents not only a deluded but a dangerous orientation toward the world.and adds (1990, pp. 18-19) that it is… empirically bankrupt and theoretically disastrous, practically disastrous, logically inconsistent, morally objectionable and incongruent with a genuinely open approach to experience.Yet Jeff Bennett, expressing the anthropocentric view in a volume entitled Reconciling Economics and the Environment, says that… a complete property rights system over ecosystems, and even individual species making up an ecosystem, can ensure their conservation.(Bennett & Block 1991, p.272)


Author(s):  
Tony Smith Jr.

The liberal internationalist tradition is credited with America's greatest triumphs as a world power—and also its biggest failures. Beginning in the 1940s, imbued with the spirit of Woodrow Wilson's efforts at the League of Nations to ‘make the world safe for democracy,’ the United States steered a course in world affairs that would eventually win the Cold War. Yet in the 1990s, Wilsonianism turned imperialist, contributing directly to the invasion of Iraq in 2003 and the continued failures of American foreign policy. This book explains how the liberal internationalist community can regain a sense of identity and purpose following the betrayal of Wilson's vision by the brash ‘neo-Wilsonianism’ being pursued today. The book traces how Wilson's thinking about America's role in the world evolved in the years leading up to and during his presidency, and how the Wilsonian tradition went on to influence American foreign policy in the decades that followed. It traces the tradition's evolution from its ‘classic’ era with Wilson, to its ‘hegemonic’ stage during the Cold War, to its ‘imperialist’ phase today. The book calls for an end to reckless forms of U.S. foreign intervention, and a return to the prudence and ‘eternal vigilance’ of Wilson's own time. It renews hope that the United States might again become effectively liberal by returning to the sense of realism that Wilson espoused, one where the promotion of democracy around the world is balanced by the understanding that such efforts are not likely to come quickly and without costs.


The occurance of September 11th. Of 2001 is regarded as a turning point in the international policy.The U.S, in reacting toward it, by which even today world is affected, took some practical actions against terrorism.The focus of the U.S. attention has been on fighting against terrorism in Afghanistan. In this trend, its first reaction to that caused its military presence in Afghanistan which has resulted in the start of state-nation making, democracy establishment and also supporting the governance process and fortifying stability ans security.In recent years, the U.S. anti-terrorism policies have been variated from front war to peace prioritization. As, the project of anti-terrorism combat and establishing peace in Afgjanistan and the region have not finished yet,this question is raised that what have been the basics of the U.S. changing foreign policy in Afghanistan and their effects: To answer this question, it seems that the systematic tendency and power balancing in the region and the world have directed the U.S. policy; So, its longstanding presence in Afghanistan, based on the region' world conditions and priorities, should be studied from the U.S. security and policy strategies points of view.This study, by using some documental and library sources and a descriptive-analytic method, tries to explain the tie between the systematic order and the U.S. power balancing in the region and the world with its reversing foreign policy in Afghanistan.The research findings show that the Russian recen re-empowerment and China emergence as agreat power have affected the U.S foreign policy in Afghanistan.The systematic requirements have been toward the conditions of anti-terrorism actions in Afgjanistan and the region.


2009 ◽  
Vol 199 ◽  
pp. 777-795 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julia C. Strauss

AbstractChina's official rhetoric on its relations with Africa is important; it frames, legitimates and renders comprehensible its foreign policy in this ever-important area of the world. This article explores the following puzzle: why China's rhetoric on its involvement with Africa has retained substantial continuities with the Maoist past, when virtually every other aspect of Maoism has been officially repudiated. Despite the burgeoning layers of complexity in China's increasing involvement in Africa, a set of surprisingly long-lived principles of non-interference, mutuality, friendship, non-conditional aid and analogous suffering at the hands of imperialism from the early 1960s to the present continue to be propagated. Newer notions of complementarity and international division of labour are beginning to come in, but the older rhetoric still dominates official discourse, at least in part because it continues to appeal to domestic Chinese audiences.


2009 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
C. J. Smit

Should the RCSA after a period of 150 years be considered as a stagnated church community? Evaluated from the point of view of ecumenicism The question is whether the Reformed Churches in South Africa (RCSA) should be considered as an isolated and thus a stagnated church community. To answer this question the de- velopment of ecumenicism in the RCSA should be traced. This could only be done after an examination of the Scriptural and historical meaning of the term “ecumenicism”. From the acts of the synods of the RCSA it is very clear that during the three phases of half a century each in the existence of the RCSA, from 1859 onwards, a very high premium was put on ecume- nical relations. The goal of these ecumenical relations was always pointed out as church unity.  In this contribution the conclusion is made that the RCSA does not see herself as a church community who disposes ex- clusively of the truth of the Word. Church isolation – and there- fore church stagnation – is clearly not part of the RCSA’s agen- da; on the contrary, church isolation was always firmly con- tested by the RCSA on the basis of the Scriptures. The in- centive to bring together churches of reformed origin, in the interior and abroad, was always part of the RCSA’s view on what the church really stands for.  However, there is a significant deficiency that should be noted. The specific meaning that Jesus adds to the concept “oikou- mené” (Matt. 24:14), namely the proclamation to “all the na- tions” of the whole world (“oikoumené”) regarding the world to come (Heb. 2:5) is not sufficiently emphasised but in actuality it is downplayed.


Human Affairs ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 236-245
Author(s):  
Paul Richard Blum

Abstract Ever since the publication of the Narrative of the life of Frederick Douglass in 1845, autobiographical testimonies were a mainstay of the abolition movement in the United States. Being or having been held as slaves and all the attendant injury is the very theme of the documents in question, which are testimonies, rather than theoretical works, because the authors maintained the first-person point of view. Since autoethnography aims at overcoming the preset mentality of the researcher in order to gain insight into what it is like to live in a particular social environment, slave narratives, beyond any abolitionist agenda, may serve as a paradigm for autoethnographic interpretation of historic sources. For an understanding of the authentic perspective of the speakers, external redactions need to be filtered out when reading those documents. On the other hand, certain tropes are worth considering (such as ignorance of the speaker’s date and place of birth or stereotypical names) because these narrative gestures indicate the state of mind of the narrator. I will propose methods for finding interpretive tools to identify the Self and the world of the slave-narrators. Such interpretation relies on the close reading of narratives as I will show by examples.


Author(s):  
Hani Albasoos ◽  
Musallam Maashani

The role of Omani diplomacy is visible in promoting its foreign policy and fulfilling the Sultan’s vision. Since 1970, Oman adopted a different foreign policy in both regional and international arenas characterized by independence, pragmatism, and moderation. This approach was reshaped after Sultan Qaboos bin Said seized rule. His first order of business was to accelerate the steps towards modernizing the Sultanate by adopting a nation-wide social, educational, and cultural reform often referred to as the Omani Renaissance. To translate the Sultan’s vision to reality, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA) has adopted a well-structured mechanism that will enhance diplomatic relations with various countries of the world. This research highlights Oman’s diplomacy strategy post-1970. It focuses on Oman’s foreign policy doctrine and examines the different categories of diplomacy that have been practiced in achieving Oman's foreign policy. The research includes the following types of diplomacy: official, mediation, tolerance and co-existence, economy, cultural, water, poet, aviation, and non-governmental diplomacy. This paper attempts to contribute to academia by providing a comprehensive outlook on Oman’s diplomacy, focusing on this topic from a practical point of view. It presents Omani diplomacy through dialogue and negotiations. It assembles a clear direction for the reader based on information, including personal communication with Omani diplomats. Since 1970, Oman adopted a different foreign policy in both regional and international arenas characterized by independence, pragmatism, and moderation. This approach was reshaped after Sultan Qaboos bin Said seized rule. His first order of business was to accelerate the steps towards modernizing the Sultanate by adopting a nation-wide social, educational, and cultural reform often referred to as the Omani Renaissance. To translate the Sultan's vision to reality, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA) has adopted a well-structured mechanism that will enhance diplomatic relations with various countries of the world. This research highlights Oman's diplomacy strategy post-1970. It focuses on Oman's foreign policy doctrine and examines the different categories of diplomacy that have been practiced in achieving Oman's foreign policy. The research includes the following types of diplomacy: official, mediation, tolerance and co-existence, economy, cultural, water, poet, aviation, and non-governmental diplomacy.  


1913 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 100-121
Author(s):  
George Rowland Dodson

A few great books, for those who know them well, make unnecessary a countless number of lesser books. From the higher point of view, all can be seen that is visible from the lower, and much more. To have carefully studied the works of one of the world's great men is to have immensely widened one's own life. To comprehend the scope of his thought and the variety and extent of his sympathies is to have an essential element of a liberal education. An enthusiastic and undiscriminating discipleship, at least at first, is not to be deplored, for a realization of the limitations of great men and the incompleteness of all systems is sure to come later; but no one understands any view of the world who has never been able to feel its plausibility. There is no delight in life like the companionship of a noble mind. A long comradeship with a great man, one in whom intellectual power, ethical elevation, all-inclusive sympathies, and wholeness and wholesomeness of view are united, is one of the greatest of our human privileges. To it we turn for consolation in our sorrows, for a refuge from the petty irritations and vexations that so constantly beset us, and for help to rise above them to serenity and peace. Through these great souls we are able in some measure to realize the Emersonian ideal of a life of activity and at the same time of poise and power, the hands being in the world of action while the head is above the storm. No service is more real or precious than that which such men have rendered to humanity. By living on the higher planes, they appeal to our latent instincts; they help us to understand our own best selves, and to be what without them we could never be.Of those who have served our race in this way one of the greatest is Plato.


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