The Sense of National Identity among the Marian Exiles (1553–1558)

1990 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
pp. 99-108
Author(s):  
David M. Loades
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
The Troubles ◽  
Prayer Book ◽  
The Face

Dr Cox and others with him came to Frankfort out of England, who began to break that order that was agreed upon; first in answering aloud after the minister, contrary to the church’s determination; and being admonished thereof by the Seniors of the congregation, he, with the rest that came with him made answer, That they would do as they had done in England; and that they would have the face of an English church….Thanks to the Brieff Discours, a partisan account published for polemical purposes almost twenty years later, the ‘Troubles’ which began with this gesture form one of the best-known aspects of the Marian exile. However, because of the context within which the compilers of that work were operating, it is usually seen simply as a liturgical conflict between the protagonists of the 1552 Prayer Book, and those of the Geneva rite, which had been printed in English as far back as 1550. In fact, the issues which it raised were far wider, embracing the whole conduct of ecclesiastical affairs, and the nature of the English church.

Muslims and the Crisis of British National Identity

2019 ◽  
pp. 221-243
Author(s):  
Martin Pugh
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
First Generation ◽  
Second Generation ◽  
Language Skills ◽  
Gradual Process ◽  
The World ◽  
The Face ◽  
British Muslims ◽  
Secular Society ◽  
Mainstream Society

This chapter demonstrates how, despite their experience of prejudice, Muslims became involved in a gradual process of integration into mainstream society; in this period they largely thought of themselves as ‘black’ or as Asians, rather than as Muslims. First-generation British Muslims had been fairly relaxed about social behaviour and religious observation. Meanwhile, the second generation of Muslims were not in Britain as temporary economic migrants, and consequently were less passive than their predecessors, more confident and aware of their opportunities and rights in Britain. For them, integration into mainstream society went hand in hand with an increasing assertiveness in the face of prejudice and an awareness of their identity as Anglo-Asians. By the 1980s and 1990s, the younger generation were becoming alienated from their parents due to familiarity with a secular society; many regarded the world of the mosque as boring. Muslims also began to reflect mainstream practice in other ways: more women in their twenties remained unmarried and, with their better language skills and qualifications, they were more likely to be in paid employment.

How Civic is Russia's New Civil Religion and How Religious is the Church?

2017 ◽  
pp. 125-155 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yuri Teper
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Civil Religion ◽  
The Political ◽  
Religious Institutions ◽  
The Face ◽  
Political Model ◽  
Soviet Russia ◽  
Religious Elements ◽  
The Church

This chapter demonstrates how and why a shift in the balance between civic and religious elements of a civil religion can take place, using Russia as an illuminating case study. Post-Soviet Russia is used to demonstrate how religion can be utilized to reinforce national identity and the legitimacy of the political system in the face of their civic weaknesses. The chapter demonstrates how, eventually, the civic-democratic political model officially designated during Yeltsin's presidency gradually changed to a more religiously grounded one, albeit a model that is not fully recognized, during Putin's rule. Moreover, the Russian case allows us to differentiate between two possible levels of civil religion: an official and openly communicated secularism, and an established church religion, promoted by the establishment in more subtle but not necessarily less aggressive ways. It further shows that just as the state has to adopt religious features in order to be deified, religious institutions have themselves to become more secular to be suitable for adoption as the state's civil religion.

The Face of the Nation: Immigration, the State, and the National Identity

1997 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 106
Author(s):  
Don J. DeVoretz ◽  
Keith Fitzgerald
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
The State ◽  
The Face

On the Early Symptoms of General Paralysis [Ueber die Frühsymptome der progressiven Paralysie]. (Allgem. Zeitschr. für Psychiat., B. lviii, H. 5.) Moravesik

1902 ◽  
Vol 48 (202) ◽  
pp. 574-574
Author(s):  
William W. Ireland
Keyword(s):  
Mental Activity ◽  
The Other ◽  
Early Date ◽  
General Paralysis ◽  
Early Symptoms ◽  
The Troubles ◽  
The Face ◽  
The Right ◽  
Intellectual Power ◽  
Better Than

Amongst the early symptoms of general paralysis are mentioned disorders of digestion, wandering neuralgic pains, a diminution in mental activity, a feeling of tightness or beating within the orbits, flashes before the eye, sounds in the ear, with pulsation in the arteries of the neck and temples. The reproduction of ideas becomes sluggish. He cannot hit upon the right word, and has to use less appropriate expressions. His memory begins to fail him. Sometimes, on the other hand, the intensity of intellectual power seems increased, even while the patient is suffering from the troubles of digestion, loss of flesh, sleeplessness, inequality of the pupils, and heightened patellar reflex, and he is able to work as well or even better than usual. At an early date the patient becomes more emotional, and shows a sentimental distress at anything pathetic or unpleasant. He has paleness of the face and a blue ring around the eyes. There is often a rise of temperature during the night and an increased secretion of saliva.

scholarly journals “No Pope Here”: Britain, the Vatican, the IRA, and the Papal Visit to Ireland, September 1979

2021 ◽  
Vol 90 (3) ◽  
pp. 603-620
Author(s):  
Martin Doherty
Keyword(s):  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Catholic Church ◽  
Pope John Paul Ii ◽  
High Anxiety ◽  
The Troubles ◽  
John Paul Ii ◽  
Religious Wars ◽  
The Face ◽  
Irish Question ◽  
The Catholic Church

AbstractIt is often assumed, particularly by outsiders, that the conflict in Northern Ireland—known euphemistically as “the Troubles”—in which some 3,600 people lost their lives, was an atavistic throwback to Europe's religious wars of earlier centuries. In 1979, by which time some 2,000 people had already been killed in the Troubles, Pope John Paul II proposed to pay a visit to Ireland and perhaps to cross the border into Ulster's sectarian cockpit. The idea provoked outrage from some Ulster Protestants and high anxiety for the British, concerned that the Pope might inadvertently inflame the situation or embarrass the British by raising difficult issues. But there were hopes, too, that an unequivocal condemnation of violence by the head of the Catholic Church might help to bring the conflict to an end. This article, based on extensive research in diplomatic archives, reveals deep divisions within the Catholic Church on the Irish question and points to the power and limitations of the British diplomatic reach into the Vatican. It reveals also, however, the powerlessness of prayer and pleadings in the face of terrorist violence.

scholarly journals Twitter activism in the face of nationalist mobilisation: the case of the 2016 Catalan Diada

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Toni Rodon ◽  
Francesc Martori ◽  
Jordi Cuadros
Keyword(s):  
Content Analysis ◽  
National Identity ◽  
Empirical Analysis ◽  
Strongly Correlated ◽  
Political Views ◽  
The Face ◽  
Twitter Users ◽  
The Empirical Analysis

This article examines the use of Twitter during the 2016 Catalan Diada (Catalan National Day). We aim at analysing the characteristics of the users that employed certain hashtags. To what extent there are significant differences across users employing different hashtags? Drawing on theories of national identity and polarisation, we look at the content of the tweets sent during the Diada. Taking advantage of a massive mobilisation event, we examine how Twitter users clustered around different hashtags, the content they transmitted or in which language they tweeted. The empirical analysis is based on a Twitter corpus of about 60,000 unique users and more than 200,000 tweets, which allows us to analyse their characterristics, the content they sent, and the language in which they did it. Our findings show that users clustered around different hashtags and that language is strongly correlated with the content of the tweet. In addition, content analysis of the messages sent within each of the clusters shows distinguishable political views on the independence debate.

‘So, he is practically a Korean?’: Power relations and re-articulation of the Korean Self in the TV show Non-Summit

2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 257-273 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tanja Eydam
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Critical Discourse Analysis ◽  
Ethnic Diversity ◽  
Power Relations ◽  
Traditional Values ◽  
Migrant Population ◽  
Cognitive Approach ◽  
South Korean ◽  
Television Shows ◽  
The Face

Korean national identity is defined by nationalist sentiment and a mono-ethnic self-image. Having turned into a migrant-receiving country, Korea is slowly transforming into a multicultural society. The contemporary popularity of television shows with migrant representation reflects this change. The question arises how migrants get depicted in these popular broadcasting shows and what this portrayal of non-Koreans reveals about re-articulations of the Korean Self. As a response to these questions, a critical discourse analysis of Episodes 1 and 103 of the show Non-Summit (Bijeongsang hoedam 2014‐17) is conducted. Corresponding to Koller’s (2011) combined discourse-historical and socio-cognitive approach, macro-, meso- and micro-level are analysed separately. Overall, Non-Summit reproduces Korean discourse on multiculturalism as ‘happy talk’, as the avoidance of in-depth consideration of inequality, the reproduction of ‘western’ norms and the normativity of Koreanness. This results from predominantly selecting Caucasians and constructing them as ‘para-Koreans’ who can then be readily consumed. These practices enable the Korean Self to position itself as analogous to western, modern norms. This positioning mirrors the influence of ‘nouveau-riche nationalism’ and the Korean ‘will to greatness’. The show further consolidates existing societal norms in Korea (Kang 2017: 14) on four different levels of power relations between Korean producers/writers and migrant population in Korea, non-Korean cast and migrant population in Korea, Korean producers/writers/hosts and non-Korean cast, and Korean viewers and non-Korean cast, and hierarchizes modern and traditional values. Thereby, Non-Summit reproduces the South Korean struggle to reconstruct a homogenous national identity in the face of a rising ethnic diversity within the country.

Beyond the Bourgeoisie: Rethinking Nation, Culture, and Modernity in Nineteenth-Century Central Europ

1998 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-35 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karl F. Baham
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
National Identity ◽  
Central Europe ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
Liberal Society ◽  
Liberal Politics ◽  
Mass Politics ◽  
Long Time ◽  
The Face ◽  
History Of

The historyof Central Europe at the end of the nineteenth century (as indeed at the end of the twentieth) is to a large extent the history of the furies of nationalism. The attempt to understand that fact has for a long time been dominated by understandings of nationalism and the mobilization of national identity that are rooted in conceptions of a particularly modern social and political crisis. In this paradigm the rise of nationalism is associated—as it was for many critical observers at the time—with the failure of liberal politics and the general breakdown of an elite-dominated, rational-liberal society in the face of mass politics and the clamor for cultural and political participation by the lower classes. Nationalism in this view is a rejection of the whole liberal paradigm—a turn to a militant, populist “politics in a new key,” to use Carl Schorske's evocative phrase; or, following another imagery, the revenge of the traditionalist, irrational “dark gods” against the rationalism, secular optimism, and elitism of Enlightenment society.

Listening to the Displaced Narrative: Politics, Power and Grassroots Communication Amongst Palestinians Inside Israel

2008 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 180-196 ◽  
Author(s):  
Isabelle Humphries
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Political Communication ◽  
State Level ◽  
Primary Site ◽  
Ethnographic Research ◽  
Community Politics ◽  
Political Ideas ◽  
Israeli Population ◽  
Narrative Politics ◽  
The Face

AbstractUnderstanding the channels through which political ideas are constructed and shared at an everyday level should be central to any study of community politics. Amongst the Palestinians who represent 20% of the Israeli population, yet who have no space to express national identity at state level, the grassroots arena becomes a primary site for communication of national/ist politics. This article explores multiple ways in which the 1948 Nakba is represented and mediated amongst Palestinians inside Israel in the face of six decades of Israeli silencing of Palestinian politics. Using ethnographic research I demonstrate how reflecting on grassroots political communication – as opposed to offi cial party rhetoric - contributes to an understanding of how Palestinians construct ideas and identities as citizens in the Israeli state. In communicating ideas about the 1948 Nakba – which of all themes the Israeli state is most keen to suppress – displaced Palestinian voices continue to challenge the Israeli hegemonic narrative.

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