scholarly journals Importance of «weak» states during conflicts: Portuguese trade with the United States during the Revolutionary and Napoleonic wars

2011 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 393-423 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cristina Moreira ◽  
Jari Eloranta
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
International Markets ◽  
Napoleonic Wars ◽  
Weak States ◽  
Trading System ◽  
Total War ◽  
Trade Relations ◽  
Peninsular War ◽  
International Trading

AbstractThis paper focuses on the analysis of weak states in the international trading system during the Revolutionary and Napoleonic crises, especially on Portugal's trade relations with the United States. We argue that the previous studies of the trade flows during these conflicts have not paid enough attention on smaller actors. Even though the Peninsular War caused severe disruption of agricultural production in Portugal, the United States, despite its strained relations with an ally of Portugal, Great Britain, became a key supplier for the Portuguese market. Clearly, the threatened position of the peninsula, and the need to supply the troops, awarded the Portuguese some room to manoeuvre in the international markets. Total war was not a constraint for all states — economic necessities trumped political and diplomatic concerns during the era of the first real-world wars. This situation was a temporary one, only to change after the conflict.

Japan and the Theory of International Leadership

1990 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 184-209 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Rosecrance ◽  
Jennifer Taw
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Trading System ◽  
International Leadership ◽  
Static Game ◽  
International Trading ◽  
System 2 ◽  
Game Theoretic ◽  
To Come ◽  
Optimal Tariff

This essay makes four points: (1) despite the assertions of some of their proponents, static game-theoretic and optimal-tariff arguments suggest that states should not undertake hegemonic responsibilities to maintain an open trading system; (2) hegemonic states have, in fact, cooperated with others, despite risks to themselves; (3) Japan, the hegemonic successor or condominial associate of the United States in the years to come, is also likely to cooperate to prevent the collapse of the international trading system. This means (4) that hegemonic or near-hegemonic powers have either acted irrationally or that their calculations have rested upon a different and more dynamic rational foundation. Specifically, systemic as well as domestic considerations have influenced their thinking and determined their policies. A major creditor power like Japan must find means of allowing others to earn surpluses in its own market or of providing assistance on concessional terms.

Three Wrongs Do Not Make a Right: The Conundrum of the US Steel and Aluminum Tariffs

2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 481-501
Author(s):  
YONG-SHIK LEE
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
National Security ◽  
The United States ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Trading System ◽  
The Us ◽  
International Trading ◽  
The Stability ◽  
Vast Range ◽  
Trump Administration

AbstractIn March 2018, the United States enacted tariff increases on a vast range of imported steel and aluminum products. The Trump administration cited national security concerns as the justification, claiming an exception under GATT Article XXI. In response to these tariffs, several WTO Members, including the European Union, Canada, Mexico, China, Russia, and Turkey, adopted their own tariffs against imports from the United States, justifying their tariffs under the WTO Agreement on Safeguards. Other Members, such as South Korea, Brazil, and Argentina opted for quota agreements on these exports with the United States in exchange for exemption from the tariffs. This article argues that none of these measures is consistent with WTO rules. The sweeping tariffs that the United States have adopted, the retaliatory measures that several Members have implemented, and the bilateral quota agreements that three Members concluded with the United States are indeed ‘three wrongs’ that do not make a right, but rather endanger the stability of the international trading system under WTO legal disciplines.

scholarly journals Globalisation or regionalism? States, markets and the structure of international trade

2002 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 519-535 ◽  
Author(s):  
Theodore Pelagidis ◽  
Harry Papasotiriou
Keyword(s):  
International Trade ◽  
Global Economy ◽  
National Level ◽  
The United States ◽  
Market Forces ◽  
Weak States ◽  
Trading System ◽  
International Trading ◽  
Substantial Degree

The structure of international trade is determined not only by market forces, but also by the political objectives of states. Weak states participate least in the open international trading system. The strong states that do participate channel trade largely within regional trading blocks. The major states in Europe and East Asia have an incentive to diminish their dependence on the hegemonic power, that is, the United States, which has reacted with its own regionalism (NAFTA). Moreover, regionalism is interpreted as a strategy that reduces states' exposure to major shocks in the global economy. Additionally, it permits them to support weak sectors of their economies at a regional level without entirely undermining the long-term growth benefits of international trade, since a substantial degree of autarky is more feasible and efficient at a regional rather than at the national level.

Japan's Role in Asia-Pacific Cooperation

1991 ◽  
Vol 513 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-37 ◽  
Author(s):  
SABURO OKITA
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Economic Growth ◽  
International Economic ◽  
The United States ◽  
Growth Potential ◽  
The Other ◽  
Asia Pacific ◽  
Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation ◽  
Rapid Economic Growth ◽  
International Trading

The Asia-Pacific countries achieved rapid economic growth with the flying-goose model in the 1980s, growth buttressed by export-oriented development strategies and the policy culture in these countries. While Japan and the other Asia-Pacific countries still have strong growth potential, many problems remain, including trade imbalances with the United States and the rise of protectionism there, the Asia-Pacific economies' vulnerability, and the need to consolidate the infrastructure for growth. It is imperative that Japan contribute to the development of the region by responding effectively to these issues and that it strengthen the international trading arrangements by promoting Asia-Pacific cooperation premised on openness. Given the region's great internal diversity, Asia-Pacific economic cooperation can well serve as a model for international economic coordination.

scholarly journals Development of trade and economic cooperation between China and Russia in new geopolitical conditions

2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (51) ◽  
pp. 25-39
Author(s):  
A.V. Brizitskaya
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Bilateral Trade ◽  
The United States ◽  
Agricultural Products ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Trade Relations ◽  
Cross Border ◽  
Modern Period ◽  
The World ◽  
Trade War

The article analyzes the trade relations between Russia and China in the modern period characterized by changes in the situation on the world stage and in the domestic political life of countries. The dynamics and commodity structure of bilateral trade of Russia and China have been studied, the Index of trade com-plementarity has been calculated, which showed that Chinese exports are more complementary to the structure of Russian imports than vice versa. Emphasis is placed on traditional trade in goods, excluding services and cross-border e-Commerce. The paper identifies two main directions which the development of Russian exports to China can take in the conditions of the "trade war" of China and the United States. The short-sighted policy of increasing only fuel and energy exports is justified. The reasons hindering the development of non-resource exports of Russia, primarily agricultural products and food, to China have been identified.

Liberalism since the Cold War: an enemy to itself?

1999 ◽  
Vol 25 (5) ◽  
pp. 145-160 ◽  
Author(s):  
GEOFFREY HAWTHORN
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
World Order ◽  
The United States ◽  
International Markets ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
The World ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Regional Development Banks

Many expected that after the Cold War, there would be peace, order, increasing prosperity in expanding markets and the extension and eventual consolidation of civil and political rights. There would be a new world order, and it would in these ways be liberal. In international politics, the United States would be supreme. It would through security treaties command the peace in western Europe and east Asia; through its economic power command it in eastern Europe and Russia; through clients and its own domination command it in the Middle East; through tacit understanding command it in Latin America; and, in so far as any state could, command it in Africa also. It could choose whether to cooperate in the United Nations, and if it did not wish to do so, be confident that it would not be disablingly opposed by illiberal states. In the international markets, it would be able to maintain holdings of its bonds. In the international financial institutions, it would continue to be decisive in the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank; it would be an important influence in the regional development banks; and it would be powerful in what it was to insist in 1994 should be called the World (rather than Multinational) Trade Organisation. Other transactions in the markets, it is true, would be beyond the control of any state. But they would not be likely to conflict with the interests of the United States (and western Europe) in finance, investment and trade, and would discipline other governments.

Consuls and Consiglieri: United States Relations with the Italian States, 1790-1815

Rough Waters ◽  
2010 ◽  
pp. 77-100 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anthony J. Antonucci
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
French Revolution ◽  
Military Intervention ◽  
The United States ◽  
Napoleonic Wars ◽  
Economic Networks ◽  
Negotiation Tactics ◽  
Authority Figures ◽  
Trade Relationship

This chapter further explores the trade relationship between the United States and Italy during the French Revolution and Napoleonic Wars by examining the role of American consuls in the complex web of trade relationships between them. It investigates American consular records in attempt to determine how central their role was, and studies the way this role adapted over time. It provides case studies of the consulates of Livorno, Naples, and Sicily by analysing consul activity such as requests for military intervention against French authorities; negotiation tactics used to broker peace with monarchs and authority figures; connections made with local merchants; and the promotion of commerce. It concludes that despite the complexity of the role and the frequent changes to regime and personnel, American consuls established and developed political, social, and economic networks between America and Italy that benefitted American trade tremendously.

The Royal Navy and Economic Warfare against the United States during the War of 1812

2020 ◽  
pp. 137-156
Author(s):  
John B. Hattendorf
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
War Of 1812 ◽  
Napoleonic Wars ◽  
Royal Navy ◽  
Recent Scholarship ◽  
Economic Warfare ◽  
American Economy ◽  
The U.S

This chapter provides an overview of recent scholarship on the Royal Navy’s economic blockade of the United States between 1812 and 1815. The article shows how the combination of British naval forces and privateers slowly strangled the American economy and nearly immobilized the U.S. Navy. Despite the Royal Navy’s very successful application of economic warfare, it was not decisive. Due to financial exhaustion following the Napoleonic wars, Parliament would not support the naval and military funding necessary to impose the harsh peace terms for which economic warfare had laid the foundation.

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