Consuls and Consiglieri: United States Relations with the Italian States, 1790-1815

Rough Waters ◽  
2010 ◽  
pp. 77-100 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anthony J. Antonucci

This chapter further explores the trade relationship between the United States and Italy during the French Revolution and Napoleonic Wars by examining the role of American consuls in the complex web of trade relationships between them. It investigates American consular records in attempt to determine how central their role was, and studies the way this role adapted over time. It provides case studies of the consulates of Livorno, Naples, and Sicily by analysing consul activity such as requests for military intervention against French authorities; negotiation tactics used to broker peace with monarchs and authority figures; connections made with local merchants; and the promotion of commerce. It concludes that despite the complexity of the role and the frequent changes to regime and personnel, American consuls established and developed political, social, and economic networks between America and Italy that benefitted American trade tremendously.

2019 ◽  
pp. 235-268
Author(s):  
Amy Austin Holmes

The concluding chapter summarizes the role of the Egyptian military, the business elite, the United States, and the opposition during each of the waves of revolution and counterrevolution. If we expand our conceptual vocabulary to include “coups from below,” this would allow scholars to properly conceptualize the unique confluence of military intervention and mass mobilization without resorting to normative terms like “democratic coup d’état.” Furthermore, it could allow US policymakers to suspend military aid in the future should there be similar events. By comparing the period from 1952 to 1956 that experienced a revolution from above with a coup from below between 2011 and 2018, it becomes clear that it may in fact be Egypt’s own revolutionary legacy that is the biggest impediment to democratization.


2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Aref Mohammed Khalaf al-Bayati ◽  
Ibrahim Ahmed Hassan Nasser Al - Jubouri

The role of Turkey towards Syria that has become arena of con-flict for various global and regional powers and everyone is looking for the role. Turkey was one where these forces had a role and attitudes towards the Syrian crisis and the most prominent of the Syrian regime change. And Turkey is seeking to impose their role in the crisis through cooperation with its factors and political and military, economic and social, Turkey did not resort to the use of military intervention effectively so far because it is well aware that it does not support entering battle is calculated in its results as it does not want to engage in an open war so it was interfering in the bombing of some state regulation sites (Daash) and some PKK sites its role is to confirm and inform everyone that it exists and Turkey strongly that in the course of this crisis and the movements of Turkey towards the crisis. Be calculated and coordinated and in line with the movements of the United States became clear in order to employ these capabilities available to support Turkey's role regional as main objectives in Turkey's regional policy and is to maintain a unified sovereign Turkish territory and integrity and achieve significant economic progress and strengthen the position of Turkey as a force pivotal regional by Decrease, Turkey has been able to adapt its policy in line with international and regional realities making Turkey is able to lead the region and take advantage of the collapse of the Arab national security system and the absence of balance in the region.


1930 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 279-309 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles S. Hyneman

The year 1792 marks the beginning of the long European struggle which started as the French Revolution and culminated in the Napoleonic Wars. The first notice that a state of war existed reached the Government of the United States August 2, 1792, when the French Minister at Philadelphia, M. Jean Temant, informed Thomas Jefferson, the American Secretary of State, that the French Government had declared war against Hungary and Bohemia. The Secretary of State, in reply to this notice, assured the French Minister that the United States would remain friendly to France “and render all those good offices which shall be consistent with the duties of a neutral nation.” This expression of Mr. Jefferson seems to be the only direct acknowledgement by President Washington or his Cabinet that the United States had been placed in the position of a neutral state.


2008 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 97-105 ◽  
Author(s):  
Smita C. Banerjee ◽  
Kathryn Greene ◽  
Marina Krcmar ◽  
Zhanna Bagdasarov ◽  
Dovile Ruginyte

This study demonstrates the significance of individual difference factors, particularly gender and sensation seeking, in predicting media choice (examined through hypothetical descriptions of films that participants anticipated they would view). This study used a 2 (Positive mood/negative mood) × 2 (High arousal/low arousal) within-subject design with 544 undergraduate students recruited from a large northeastern university in the United States. Results showed that happy films and high arousal films were preferred over sad films and low-arousal films, respectively. In terms of gender differences, female viewers reported a greater preference than male viewers for happy-mood films. Also, male viewers reported a greater preference for high-arousal films compared to female viewers, and female viewers reported a greater preference for low-arousal films compared to male viewers. Finally, high sensation seekers reported a preference for high-arousal films. Implications for research design and importance of exploring media characteristics are discussed.


Author(s):  
G. John Ikenberry

The end of the Cold War was a “big bang” reminiscent of earlier moments after major wars, such as the end of the Napoleonic Wars in 1815 and the end of the world wars in 1919 and 1945. But what do states that win wars do with their newfound power, and how do they use it to build order? This book examines postwar settlements in modern history, arguing that powerful countries do seek to build stable and cooperative relations, but the type of order that emerges hinges on their ability to make commitments and restrain power. The book explains that only with the spread of democracy in the twentieth century and the innovative use of international institutions—both linked to the emergence of the United States as a world power—has order been created that goes beyond balance of power politics to exhibit “constitutional” characteristics. Blending comparative politics with international relations, and history with theory, the book will be of interest to anyone concerned with the organization of world order, the role of institutions in world politics, and the lessons of past postwar settlements for today.


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