VIII.—Roman Roads and the Distribution of Saxon Churches in London

Archaeologia ◽  
1917 ◽  
Vol 68 ◽  
pp. 229-262
Author(s):  
Reginald A. Smith

The two centuries after the official withdrawal of the Romans from Britain are almost a blank in the history of the capital, and it is only fitting that the Society of Antiquaries of-London should discuss any new evidence of the city's condition during that period of transition. The picture has indeed been painted by a master-hand, but even John Richard Green's arguments are weakened by certain inconsistencies, and archaeology may be called in to give precision and completeness to his plan of Anglo-Saxon London. ‘That this early London’, he writes, ‘grew up on ground from which the Roman city had practically disappeared may be inferred from the change in the main line of communication which passed through the heart of each. This was the road which led from Newgate to the Bridge. In Roman London this seems to have struck through the city in a direct line from Newgate to a bridge in the neighbourhood of the present Budge Row. Of this road the two extremities survived in English London, one from the gate to the precincts of St. Paul, the other in the present Budge Row. But between these points all trace of it is lost’ For the Roman road shown in his map as crossing the Walbrook at Budge Row there is indeed more warrant than he was aware of. The road has been actually found near its middle point, and the Saxon churches along it suggest that it had not been obliterated in the centuries before the Norman Conquest.

1984 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 375-387 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katharin Mack

England was conquered twice in the eleventh century: first in 1016 by Cnut the Dane and again in 1066 by William Duke of Normandy. The influence of the Norman Conquest has been the subject of scholarly warfare ever since E.A. Freeman published the first volume of his History of the Norman Conquest of England in 1867—and indeed, long before. The consequences of Cnut's conquest, on the other hand, have not been subjected to the same scrutiny. Because England was conquered twice in less than fifty years, historians have often succumbed to the temptation of comparing the two events. But since Cnut's reign is poorly documented and was followed quickly by the restoration of the house of Cerdic in the person of Edward the Confessor, such studies have tended to judge 1016 by the standards of 1066. While such comparisons are useful, they have imposed a model on Cnut's reign which has distorted the importance of the Anglo-Scandinavian period. If, however, Cnut's reign is compared with the Anglo-Saxon past rather than the Anglo-Norman future, the influence of 1016 can be more fairly assessed.


1897 ◽  
Vol 17 ◽  
pp. 319-320 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frank Calvert

I derive the materials of the present paper from some memoranda which I find amongst my archaeological notes and which relate to certain explorations to which I was not a party, made so long ago as 1887. I have thought that the particulars then obtained may be deemed sufficiently interesting to deserve a record in the history of Trojan archaeological discovery.The subject is one of the four small tumuli dotted about and near the hill of Balli-Dagh, the crest of which according to the now exploded theory of Le Chevalier (1785) was supposed to represent the Pergamos of Troy. In a memoir contributed to the Journal of the Archaeological Institute of 1864, I proved that the site in question was no other than that of the ancient city of Gergis. In the same paper I gave an account of the results of the excavation of one of the group of three tumuli on Balli-Dagh, the so-named Tomb of Priam. The other two, namely Le Chevalier's Tomb of Hector, and an unnamed hillock, were excavated respectively by Sir John Lubbock (about 1878) and Dr. Schliemann (1882) without result. The present relates to the fourth mound on the road between the villages of Bournarbashi and Arablar (as shown in the published maps), which goes by the name of Choban Tepeh (Shepherd's hillock) and the Tomb of Paris, according to Rancklin (1799).


1873 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 142-164
Author(s):  
A. R. Fuller
Keyword(s):  
The Road ◽  
The Hill ◽  

On the 3rd of Ramazán, I left Ramlah, and went to a village called Khátún, and from thence to another, which they styled Kariatu-l-'Anab (Grape hamlet). On the road I observed plenty of wild rue growing spontaneously on hill and dale. I also noticed at this village a very delightful spring of water gushing out of a rock, where they had constructed reservoirs, and built edifices. From thence I proceeded up some rising ground, under the impression that I was ascending a hill, and that on going down the other side the city would lie before me. After I had climbed the ascent however for a short way, a vast wilderness lay in my front, partly stony, and partly showing merely the bare earth. At the summit of the hill stands the city of the “Baitu-l-Mukaddas” (Sacred Tabernacle, i.e. Jerusalem), between which and Tarábulis, whichis on the coast, are 56 parasangs, and from Balkh to Jerusalem 876.


PMLA ◽  
1920 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 116-122
Author(s):  
Harry Glicksman

Separate editions of Milton's History of Britain appeared in 1670, 1677, 1695, and 1818. It has been included in all the important collections of his prose works. In 1706, moreover, Dr. White Kennett, whose Complete History of England is a series of historical writings from the pens of various authors, chose Milton's work to do duty for the period preceding the Norman Conquest. Foot-notes were added, though of no remarkable value. The first of Kennett's three folio volumes was republished in 1719; in 1870 Milton's history, and along with it two of the other contributions to the first volume, were reprinted under one octavo cover; in 1878 appeared a stereotype reproduction of the volume of 1870.


2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 160-165
Author(s):  
Kuanysh Gazizovich Akanov

The paper considers the history of approval of Orenburg city as the capital of Kirgiz (Kazakh) Autonomous Socialist Soviet Republic (KASSR) which was formed by the decree from 26 of August, 1920, as well as the history accession of the city and some district of province to Kazakhstan. The reasons of choice of Orenburg as administrative center of Kirgiz Republic and possible proposed alternatives are researched. The author analyses publications of Kazakhstan and Russian scientists on the indicated theme. Among the objective reasons of choice of Orenburg as the capital, the author names the following ones: the importance of Orenburg for Kirgiz Republic of that time, as a city with developed infrastructure and industry, as well as cultural and economic potential; the presence of sufficiently strong stratum workers,; attempt to make the city a central core of politics and become closer to Asian and Turkic people; regulation of territorial disputes about question of accessory of Orenburg; temporariness of the capital status of Orenburg to Kyrgyzia, in view of geographical distance of the city from the other regions of Autonomy and little representatives of title Kazakh ethnos. The author introduces for scientific use some documents of the State archive of the Orenburg Region in the process of research.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 1-1
Author(s):  
Agnieszka Bień

<p><strong>Abstract.</strong> A cartographic map of Gdańsk in the years of 1918&amp;ndash;1939 was very different from the other maps of Polish cities. The reasons for some differences were, among others, the proximity of the sea, the multicultural mindset of the inhabitants of Gdańsk from that period, and some historical events in the interwar period (the founding of the Free City of Gdańsk and the events preceding World War II). Its uniqueness came from the fact that the city of Gdańsk combined the styles of Prussian and Polish housing, as well as form the fact that its inhabitants felt the need for autonomy from the Second Polish Republic. The city aspired to be politically, socially and economically independent.</p><p>The aim of my presentation is to analyze the cartographic maps of Gdańsk, including the changes that had been made in the years of 1918&amp;ndash;1939. I will also comment on the reasons of those changes, on their socio-historical effects on the city, the whole country and Europe.</p>


Author(s):  
Slađana S. Stamenković

In the contemporary discussion of the concept of space, there is a tendency to employ space to make a comment about the society that inhabits it. Regarding this and the prose of the contemporary American authors, the theory of Bakhtin’s chronotope may be one of the most legitimate ways to depict the society of contemporary America. In the fiction of Don DeLillo, one could discuss three typical American chronotopes: the city, the desert, and the road. The said chronotopes may be interpreted within the scopes of Bakhtin’s original chronotopes. They operate on both individual and mutually overlapping levels. In one way or the other, the American chronotopes mentioned seem to function as the ultimate Nowhere, space where the modern characters go to disappear in DeLillo’s prose.


2017 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Gamsa

AbstractThis article has two goals. It reflects on the recent developments and agenda of an approach to historical writing that is now becoming known by the name global microhistory, and it analyses the attention which this approach pays to individual lives. It also explores some of the challenges in writing the biography of a city alongside the life history of a person. The city is Harbin, a former Russian-managed railway hub in Manchuria, today a province capital in Northeast China. The person is Baron Roger Budberg (1867–1926), a physician of Baltic German origin who arrived in Harbin during the Russo-Japanese war and remained there until his death, leaving published works and unpublished correspondence in German and Russian. My forthcoming book about Budberg and Harbin challenges the distinction between writing “biography”, on the one hand, and “history”, on the other, while navigating between the “micro” and “macro” layers of historical enquiry.


Archaeologia ◽  
1945 ◽  
Vol 91 ◽  
pp. 107-135 ◽  
Author(s):  
F. Wormald

A recent beautiful publication by Mr. Mynors of the MSS. in the Cathedral Library at Durham has raised an important point in the history of English illuminated MSS. Up to now there has been a tendency to regard the Norman Conquest as constituting a complete break with the past accompanied by the introduction of a new style of illumination. There is, of course, no doubt that in many spheres of life the Norman occupation of England did do away with many characteristics of Anglo-Saxon England. But this is not the whole story. A change in one department of life does not mean a revolution in another. In the realm of literature, for instance, Professor Chambers has shown that the Conquest did not interrupt the writing and development of vernacular prose. Mr. Mynors's book produces ample evidence to confirm a suspicion long held by some, but not uttered, that much of the ornament used by illuminators of English MSS. during the first fifty years after the Conquest is directly descended from motives in use in England long before the Norman invasion. To Mr. Mynors's evidence from Durham, examples of illuminated MSS. from Canterbury may be added in order to show that the famous outline drawing style of the English MSS. of the tenth and eleventh centuries had healthy descendants in the early years of the twelfth century. The best place to see this continuity is in the illuminated initials of these MSS. In order to do so it is necessary to examine the development of initial ornament in England during the tenth and eleventh centuries.


1985 ◽  
Vol 14 ◽  
pp. 197-214 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicholas Hooper

In the years which followed the Norman Conquest, the Old English aristocracy was largely deprived of its lands and offices, both lay and ecclesiastical. The resistance of the English nobility to the Norman Conquest made a large contribution to its own eclipse, but it is rarely that we are afforded a glimpse of the fortunes of an individual. The historian may, however, dwell in some detail on the career of one man, Edgar the Ætheling. Episodes from his life are preserved in a variety of works composed in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle contains several entries relating to his activities after 1066, and the D version shows a special interest in Edgar and his family. Among Latin histories, those of John of Worcester, William of Malmesbury and Orderic Vitalis follow his activities, although none of these authors was well informed about his life. Edgar appears not to have made a strongly favourable impression upon any of them: to the anonymous compilers of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle he was the rightful heir to the throne of England, but to both William and Orderic he was indolent. There is little difficulty involved in bringing together the known episodes of his life, and although his royal blood makes him a far from typical example the picture that emerges gives a useful insight into how one Englishman fared in the unstable political climate of the years immediately preceding the Norman Conquest, and in its aftermath. It is intended here to assemble the evidence for the life of Edgar and to treat him not as a footnote to history, which is how he has often fared at the hands of historians, but as a character of no small importance in the history of the Norman Conquest of England.


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