North Vietnam's Party Congress

1960 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 66-75 ◽  
Author(s):  
P. J. Honey

“This is an historic event of great significance in the political life of the Vietnam Workers' Party and people. With incomparable feelings of joy, we warmly congratulate the conference on its important achievements.” So ran the editorial in the Jen-min Jih-pao (People's Daily) on the morning of September 12, although—unless the Chinese are a nation of masochists, which I refuse to believe—it is hard to discover the reason for this jubilation, for China had just suffered her most humiliating defeat to date in the ideological war she is waging against the Soviet Union. The occasion was the Third Congress of the Vietnam Lao-Dong, or Workers', Party, which met in Hanoi from September 5 to 10. Since it was the first such congress for nine years, the Vietnamese Communists had spared neither trouble nor expense to make it a resounding success. Official delegations from the fraternal parties of eleven Communist states attended, together with representatives from Communist parties of seven non-Communist countries and fraternal diplomats stationed in Hanoi. The date of the congress had been carefully fixed so that proceedings would open three days after North Vietnam's National Day, and the foreign visitors had been invited to come a few days early to sample the delights of this celebration too.

2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 468-482
Author(s):  
Anatoly N. Sivov

The present article studies the views of the godfather of Glasnost, CPSU Central Committee Secretary Alexander N. Yakovlev (1923-2005), and how they evolved during the Perestroika period in the second half of the 1980s. The author analyzes Yakovlev's positions on issues of Soviet ideology at the beginning of Perestroika, arguing that at that time his statements on the need for radical improvement of ideological work did not differ from the views of other party leaders. Yakovlev's personal biography shaped his interpretation of important events of twentieth-century Russian history; he had fought in the Great Patriotic war and participated in the work of the 20th Party Congress and in the Commission of the CPSU Central Committee for the rehabilitation of victims of political repression. Yakovlev became the target of critique from the leaders of the newly created Communist party of the RSFSR, as well as from conservative CPSU members, in particular during the XVIII Party Congress in the summer of 1990; they criticized Yakovlev's work in the Central Committee of the CPSU and the extent of his influence on M.S. Gorbachev. The article traces changes in Yakovlev's assessments of the socialist formation, of Marxism, and of the political and legal structure of the CPSU. The author identifies a direct link between the problems of social and political life in the Soviet Union and changes in Yakovlev's public statements. This analysis leads to the conclusion that Yakovlev's influence on the President of the USSR, M.S. Gorbachev, was not as big as sometimes assumed. Since the beginning of 1991, Yakovlev's influence was gradually declining, and on the eve of the August putsch it reached its lowest point. The article is based on Yakovlev's published articles and public speeches as well as on archival materials from his personal fund that is preserved in the State Archive of the Russian Federation.


Author(s):  
Vitaliy Makar

According to the Canadian Customs records that preserved in the archives on September 9, 1891 well-known Ukrainian Calician Ivan Pylypiv and Wasyl Yelynyak came to Canada. Following them hundreds of thousands of Ukrainians immigrated to the new land, as Canada was called by those who got there. The author investigates the immigration waves of the Ukrainians to Canada: before World War I; between Wars; after World War II; and after collapsing of the Soviet Union. Also, the Cana- dian researches talking about one more wave of the Ukrainian immigration to Canada – from the begining of 80th last century from Poland. According 2011 Canadian census of population and the counts of the last years there are more then one million and three hundred of thousands persons that recognized themselves of Ukrainian descend. The author charaterizes the peligious, cultural, national and political life of Ukrainians in Canada. The main role in this paper is dedicated to Ukrainians role for Canadian political life, their involvement into local, provicial and federal governmental structure. Keywords: Post-communist countries of CEE, theoretical and methodological approaches, political transformation


1999 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 168-175 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Critchlow

In the 1940s and 1950s, Western governments turned to radio as the most effective means of countering the Soviet information monopoly. U.S. and West European radio stations attempted to provide listeners with the kind of programs they might expect from their own radio stations if the latter were free of censorship. For most of these listeners in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, the broadcasts were their only contact with the outside world. The importance of the foreign radio programs was confirmed not only by audience estimates, but also by the considerable efforts the Communist regimes made to jam the transmissions. Given the importance of foreign broadcasting for the political life of the Soviet bloc, it is remarkable that these broadcasts have received scant scholarly attention in the Western countries that sponsored them. The three books reviewed here help to fill that gap.


Politeja ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (55) ◽  
pp. 175-194
Author(s):  
Rafał Czachor

Institutional Conditions of the Political Rivalry in the Post-Soviet Authoritarian RegimesMore than 25 years have passed since the collapse of the Soviet Union. Despite that, political scientists until now have used the category of ‘post-Soviet countries’, meaning that the Soviet past still determines the direction of the evolution of the political systems of the republics that won their independence in 1991 and that they still share some common features of the political design and have failed to successfully complete the transformation to democracy. The main goal of the following paper is to present institutional conditions that make post-Soviet authoritarian regimes relatively stable and limit the alternation of power. Main conclusions of the paper are the following: firstly, the power in post-Soviet authoritarian countries is held by their presidents who create informal groups of relevant politicians and businessmen that can be treated as neo-patrimonial clients. Secondly, presidential or parliamentary elections are regularly held but are just a facade that is meant to hide and legitimize authoritarian practices of these regimes. Thirdly, in such countries significant role the political life is played by the so-called ‘parties of power’ – non-ideological parties whose only goal is to support the president.


Author(s):  
NELLI MINASYAN

At the beginning of 1990s Turkey’s foreign policy activity was connected with the collapse of the Soviet Union and the independence of the Turkic republics. The Pan-Turkism ideas were transformed during this period and they were introduced in a new way. The neo Pan-Turkism ideas were presented by three interconnected systems: the first as a spiritual cultural program, the second as a part of the political system, the third as Turkic component of the Turkic-Islamic synthesis. All Turkish parties attach great importance to the cooperation with Turkic republics in their programs. This especially emphasizes the ruling Justice and Development Party. The Nationalist Action Party is well known for PanTurkism and nationalist ideas. The NAP suggests to establish Pan-Turkic organizations. Neo Pan-Turkism is not only a cultural project, it is also a political program. We can say that the Neo Pan-Turkism is a part of the political system and it will stay in the context of Turkey’s foreign policy.


Author(s):  
Khurshid Egamberdievich Khodjamberdiev

This article illuminated that the early 1980s, the social and political development of the Soviet Union began to show signs of decline. Therefore, a period of rapid decline in economic and social life began and also extensive development of the economy has resulted in more costs, and this has already begun to manifest itself in the political and social spheres were opened by the helping scientific literatures and archive documents as well. KEY WORDS: policy, Uzbekistan, culture, ecology, education, industry, reconstruction, import, export.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-19
Author(s):  
Philipp Casula

This article discusses how the Soviet Union perceived and related to Middle Eastern revolutionary movements, using a case study from South Yemen and the War in Dhofar. This specific Soviet encounter will be analysed through selected Soviet material from published and archival sources. The article highlights how Soviet representatives assessed prospects for socialism in Yemen, and how they interacted with their partners on the ground. The article is divided into three parts: the first discusses the theoretical debates in Soviet academia and the press, the second section contrasts these theoretical views with Middle Eastern ‘socialist’ theories during the Cold War and the third shows how a symbiosis developed between Soviet and Yemeni institutions and organisations. The article argues that due to an Orientalist take on South Yemen and Dhofar, the Soviet side could not appreciate the political importance and potential of socialist currents in the region, reducing cooperation to ‘pragmatism’.


Slavic Review ◽  
1992 ◽  
Vol 51 (4) ◽  
pp. 674-690 ◽  
Author(s):  
Terry D. Clark

The March 1990 elections to republican and local Soviets in the USSR resulted in the transfer of power from the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) to the nascent democratic movement in a number of republics and localities. Among these was the Moscow City Soviet (Mossoviet). Of the 472 people's deputies elected to the Mossoviet, the clear majority were elected under the umbrella of the political bloc Democratic Russia. Running on a platform calling for the rejection of continued CPSU control of political life in the Soviet Union and Moscow, Democratic Russia's candidates won decisively in a majority of the electoral districts.


2015 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-16 ◽  
Author(s):  
Judith Inggs

This article investigates the perceived image of English-language children's literature in Soviet Russia. Framed by Even-Zohar's polysystem theory and Bourdieu's philosophy of action, the discussion takes into account the ideological constraints of the practice of translation and the manipulation of texts. Several factors involved in creating the perceived character of a body of literature are identified, such as the requirements of socialist realism, publishing practices in the Soviet Union, the tradition of free translation and accessibility in the translation of children's literature. This study explores these factors and, with reference to selected examples, illustrates how the political and sociological climate of translation in the Soviet Union influenced the translation practices and the field of translated children's literature, creating a particular image of English-language children's literature in (Soviet) Russia.


2014 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 127-137
Author(s):  
Tatsiana Hiarnovich

The paper explores the displace of Polish archives from the Soviet Union that was performed in 1920s according to the Riga Peace Treaty of 1921 and other international agreements. The aim of the research is to reconstruct the process of displace, based on the archival sources and literature. The object of the research is those documents that were preserved in the archives of Belarus and together with archives from other republics were displaced to Poland. The exploration leads to clarification of the selection of document fonds to be displaced, the actual process of movement and the explanation of the role that the archivists of Belarus performed in the history of cultural relationships between Poland and the Soviet Union. The articles of the Treaty of Riga had been formulated without taking into account the indivisibility of archive fonds that is one of the most important principles of restitution, which caused the failure of the treaty by the Soviet part.


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