A Factionalism Model for CCP Politics

1973 ◽  
Vol 53 ◽  
pp. 34-66 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew J. Nathan
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Revolution ◽  
Political System ◽  
Time Span ◽  
The Political ◽  
Decision Making Process ◽  
Group Model ◽  
General Application ◽  
The One ◽  
Western View ◽  
Contemporary Chinese

Until the Cultural Revolution, the predominant western view of contemporary Chinese elite conflict was that it consisted of “discussion” (t'ao-lun) within a basically consensual Politburo among shifting “opinion groups” with no “organized force” behind them. The purges and accusations which began in 1965 and apparently still continue, have shaken this interpretation, and a number of scholars have advanced new analyses - sometimes explicit, sometimes implicit, sometimes of general application, sometimes applied only to a particular time span or segment of the political system. Of these new views, perhaps the most systematic - and at the same time the one which represents the least change from the pre-Cultural Revolution “opinion group” model - is the “policy making under Mao” interpretation, which sees conflict as essentially a bureaucratic decision-making process dominated by Mao.

Brazil

2021 ◽  
pp. 175-192
Author(s):  
Fabiano Santos ◽  
Fernando Guarnieri ◽  
Nara Salles
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Political System ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Decision Making Process ◽  
Policy Debate ◽  
Personal Traits ◽  
The Core ◽  
Political Model ◽  
The One

In this chapter, we present the politics of congressional speech in Brazil as the result of incentives produced by this country’s political model, the so-called coalitional presidentialism. On the one hand, a majority formed by larger parties controls the decision-making process related to the Brazilian public agenda, turning the core policy debate into a partisan and ideological issue. On the other, “autonomous” spaces for delivering speeches are both claimed and occupied by legislators with more specific identities, such as women and deputies with longer-lived congressional trajectories. These personal traits cannot be limited to the traditional cleavages of the political system. For this, we analyzed more than 190,000 speeches delivered in the following phases of the floor sessions held between 2001 and 2018.

Democracy and Political Culture

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ross McKibbin
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
Case Studies ◽  
Social System ◽  
Political System ◽  
Democratic Politics ◽  
Social Structures ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The One ◽  
Definition Of

This book is an examination of Britain as a democratic society; what it means to describe it as such; and how we can attempt such an examination. The book does this via a number of ‘case-studies’ which approach the subject in different ways: J.M. Keynes and his analysis of British social structures; the political career of Harold Nicolson and his understanding of democratic politics; the novels of A.J. Cronin, especially The Citadel, and what they tell us about the definition of democracy in the interwar years. The book also investigates the evolution of the British party political system until the present day and attempts to suggest why it has become so apparently unstable. There are also two chapters on sport as representative of the British social system as a whole as well as the ways in which the British influenced the sporting systems of other countries. The book has a marked comparative theme, including one chapter which compares British and Australian political cultures and which shows British democracy in a somewhat different light from the one usually shone on it. The concluding chapter brings together the overall argument.

The State and the Rule of Law

1970 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-13
Author(s):  
Andrzej Zoll
Keyword(s):  
Rule Of Law ◽  
Political System ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Rule Of Law ◽  
The Law ◽  
Democratic Principles ◽  
Set Up ◽  
The One ◽  
Real Chance

The changes brought about in Poland and elsewhere in Europe by the fall of Communism have given rise to hopes for the establishment of a political system differing from the one which had been the fate of these countries. In place of totalitarianism, a new political system is to be created based on the democratic principles of a state under the rule of law. The transformation from totalitarianism to democracy is a process which has not yet been completed in Poland and still requires many efforts to be made before this goal may be achieved. One may also enumerate various pitfalls jeopardising this process even now. The dangers cannot be avoided if their sources and nature are not identified. Attempts to pervert the law and the political system may only be counteracted by legal means if the system based on the abuse of the law has not yet succeeded in establishing itself. Resistance by means of the law only has any real chance of success provided it is directed against attempts to set up a totalitarian system. Once the powers which are hostile to the state bound by the rule of law take over the institutions of the state, such resistance is doomed to failure.

Contemporary China as a Problem for Political Science

1963 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 361-376 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. M. Halpern
Keyword(s):  
Political Science ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Chinese Politics ◽  
General Study ◽  
Chinese Revolution ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
Communist China ◽  
Contemporary Chinese

This article attempts to set forth, in as nearly comprehensive and organized a manner as possible, a range of problems referring to the political development of Communist China whose investigation would not only advance our understanding of contemporary Chinese politics but would also produce results of value for the general study of politics. Our focus is particularly, but not exclusively, on events since the establishment of the People's Republic of China in 1949. Our procedure is to move from the general to the specific: that is, to inquire, first, what are the most general classes of political phenomena with which the Chinese political system has affinities; second, what are the most general developmental trends which can be observed in the Chinese revolution; and third, what are the particular aspects of the dynamics of the Chinese political system which offer rewarding opportunities for research.

scholarly journals Comparison of the Influence of the Chinese Lobby and the Israeli Lobby in the United States

2015 ◽  
pp. 84-98
Author(s):  
D. B. Grafov
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Decision Making ◽  
Interest Groups ◽  
Political System ◽  
The United States ◽  
Executive Branch ◽  
The Political ◽  
Decision Making Process ◽  
National Interests ◽  
China Lobby

The article is about how pro-Israel and pro-China interest groups try to lobby on the ground of Capitol, White House and executive branch. The study of the lobbying results is based on «General theory of action» T. Parsons. It is concluded that for lobbying interests the main point will be the representation of the interests in the political and public spaces and the creating of advocacy and lobbying infrastructure. The ability of the Israeli lobby to achieve the goal can be explained, firstly, by political inclusion in the decision-making process, and, secondly, by almost axiomatic representation Israel interests through the national interests of the United States. The Israeli lobby can be considered as the religious lobby. It can use the possibilities of Jewish religious organizations in grass root action. Also this gives the opportunity to avoid the requirements of the LDA. From the point of view of the theory of Talcott Parsons, the success of the Israeli lobby is the cause of the action of a large number of actors that may form in large groups. Another advantage of the Israeli lobby is the ability of its members to get relevant information about the current situation in different spheres of political life in the U.S. The objective of the present study was to reveal the ways in which China lobby succeeds. The influence of China lobby on decision-making process in the United States can be explained through strong economic ties between American corporations and the Chinese market. When lobbying China uses numerous Chinese Diaspora in many States, as well as trying to interest of the former high-ranking American officials, granting them special privileges for doing business in China. In comparison to the Israeli lobby, the Chinese lobby has weaknesses. Chinese interest groups are not included in the political system of the USA and this is the disadvantage of the Chinese way of lobbying. Unlike Israel lobby Chinese one is external. The interests of the chinese pressure groups do not coincide with American national interests. Their actors are not rooted in the American political system.

Selectieve uitsluiting in het Belgisch politiek systeem : Innovatie en protest door nieuwe sociale bewegingen

Res Publica ◽  
1998 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-21
Author(s):  
Marc Hooghe
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Social Movements ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Response Strategy ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Decision Making Process ◽  
New Social Movements ◽  
Elite Strategy

The Belgian political system is generally portrayed as being closed for outsiders. In this article we ascertain how the system responded to the challenge of the new social movements. The Belgian political elite developed a response strategy, based on thematical openness and actorial closure. The issues of the new social movements were admitted on the political agenda, but the movements themselves were excluded from access to the decision making process. Only those actors were allowed which were willing to accomodate themselves to the traditional elite consensus, based on neo-corporatism, pillarisation and a politically passive population.  Confronted with this elite strategy, the new social movements were able to fulfil their agenda function (bringing new issues on the political agenda), but they had little opportunity for introducing new cultural codes into the political decision making process. This lack of innovation enhances the legitimation crisis of the Belgian political system.

Yiddish Publishing in the Soviet Union, 1953–1991

2020 ◽  
pp. 70-86
Author(s):  
Gennady Estraikh
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The Status ◽  
The One

In the fall of 1956, a group of British Communists visited the Soviet Union. As did a number of other delegations and individual visitors of the time, they sought to examine the extent of progress of de-Stalinization in the political system and, in particular, to understand the status of Jews in post-Stalinist society. In their report, the delegation noted that among Jews of the older generation, including the one or two thousand who came to the Leningrad Synagogue to celebrate the festival of Simchat Torah, “the non-existence of a Yiddish paper was regarded as a deprivation and an injustice.”...

The Mexican Revolution

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Colby Ristow
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Revolution ◽  
Political System ◽  
Mexican Revolution ◽  
Direct Action ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Mass Mobilization ◽  
National Imaginary ◽  
Political Program ◽  
Political Groups

Beginning in 1930, Frank Tannenbaum pioneered what came to be known as a populist (or post-revisionist) interpretation of the Mexican Revolution, arguing that the mass mobilization of the revolutionary decade (1910–1920) forced state builders and intellectuals to find a place in political life for the poor and indigenous of the periphery. Although not a wholesale reversal of the “effects of the Conquest” that Tannenbaum claimed it to be, this “new attitude toward the Indian” represented a national (if unevenly experienced) cultural revolution. More mosaic than monolith, this Revolution was not imposed by a unified state but negotiated in the conflict between high and low politics.The call for democratic restoration through armed revolution liberated a multitude of disparate political groups that had previously been controlled through the political system, particularly the rural masses, and brought them into the political sphere in distinctly undemocratic terms, through violent direct action. Rather than a unified movement with a clearly defined political program, popular mobilization during the revolutionary decade (1910–1920)—characterized by localized and disparate revolts only nominally bound to a national program—represented a cultural awakening and a broad, collective demand for class and often ethnic inclusion. The collapse of the state in 1914 forced revolutionary state-builders to recognize this demand and negotiate pacts with collectively organized and identified local and regional groups of rebels. In so doing, the revolutionary state constructed a national imaginary capable of integrated Mexico’s indigenous heritage.

The American Idea of Equality: The View from the Founding

1976 ◽  
Vol 38 (3) ◽  
pp. 313-331 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martin Diamond
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Political Order ◽  
The Political ◽  
Central Idea ◽  
Political Problem ◽  
The One

Every age seems to have some dominating central idea, and every particular political system surely has some dominating central idea from which radiate all the institutions, processes, and the texture of life in that country. As Tocqueville long ago said, the dominating idea of our age, and of our political order in particular, is the idea of equality. Equality is therefore at once for us the source of our political benefits and also the source of our defects and dangers. That is to say, every dominating idea is the one that determines for the society its likeliest and greatest benefits and dangers, because the central idea is the one that can do the greatest and most pervasive good and by the same token also the greatest harm. Equality is for us that central principle, the one we have to grapple with and wrest good from, and likewise the principle from which come our greatest dangers. Equality is the political problem for mankind in the present age.

The Political Legacy of Violence During China's Cultural Revolution

2019 ◽  
pp. 1-25 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yuhua Wang
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Revolution ◽  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Long Term Effects ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
State Repression ◽  
State Terror ◽  
Long Run ◽  
System Today

Autocrats use repression to deter opposition. Are they successful in the long run? The author argues that state repression can have long-lasting alienating effects on citizens’ political attitudes and coercive effects on their political behavior. The article evaluates this proposition by studying the long-term effects of state terror during China's Cultural Revolution. It shows that individuals who grew up in localities that were exposed to more state-sponsored violence in the late 1960s are less trusting of national political leaders and more critical of the country's political system today. These anti-regime attitudes are more likely to be passed down to the younger generation if family members discuss politics frequently than if they do not. Yet while state repression has created anti-regime attitudes, it has decreased citizens’ contentious behavior. These findings highlight the dilemma that authoritarian rulers face when they seek to consolidate their rule through repression.

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