scholarly journals The Sex Side of Civil Liberties:United States v. Dennettand the Changing Face of Free Speech

2012 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 325-386 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laura M. Weinrib

It was the policy of the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) during the 1920s to contest only those obscenity regulations that were “relied upon to punish persons for their political views.” So stated a 1928 ACLU bulletin, reiterating a position to which the organization had adhered since its formation in 1920. For the majority of the ACLU's executive board, “political views” encompassed the struggle for control of the government and the economy, but not of the body. The early ACLU was not interested in defending avant-garde culture, let alone sexual autonomy.

2020 ◽  
pp. 163-192
Author(s):  
Amy Aronson

In June 1917, Congress passed the Espionage Act, suspending basic civil liberties in the name of wartime national security. Suddenly, peace work seemed dangerously untenable, even to some in movement leadership. Nevertheless, the American Union Against Militarism (AUAM) voted to test the new wartime laws, campaigning to prevent a draft and devising a new category of military exemption based on conscience. But continuing tensions threatened to rupture the AUAM from the inside. Lillian Wald and Paul Kellogg wanted to resign. Eastman proposed an eleventh-hour solution: create a single, separate legal bureau for the maintenance of fundamental rights in wartime—free press, free speech, freedom of assembly, and liberty of conscience. The new bureau became the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU). However, Eastman’s hopes to shape and oversee that work, keeping it focused on internationalism and global democracy, were not to be. The birth of her child sidelined her while Roger Baldwin, arriving at a critical time for the country and the organization, took charge and made the bureau his own.


Author(s):  
Donald W. Rogers

This chapter traces the political and media battle that unfolded 1937-38 over Jersey City’s denial of public speaking permits to the Committee for Industrial Organization, the American Civil Liberties Union, and supporters, including a few women. It shows how the media dominated popular understanding of the controversy by projecting rival discourses of democracy versus dictatorship and law and order versus subversive communism, temporarily obscuring legal questions about municipal police powers, labor law, and free speech that federal courts were on the verge of deciding. The chapter illustrates how the struggle intensified. Mayor Hague staged extravagant anticommunist “Americanism” rallies against the CIO with broad local support, while an outside pro-CIO left-labor coalition denounced Hague as a dictator in Popular Front language of antifascism and working-class Americanism.


2018 ◽  
Vol 41 (3) ◽  
pp. 294-316
Author(s):  
Daniel Grinberg

This article examines the 2015 Baltimore uprisings that emerged in the wake of Freddie Gray’s death and the Federal Bureau of Investigation’s (FBI) covert aerial surveillance of the protesters. It does so by investigating the records that the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) extracted from the government agency through the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA). The article first traces the process of discovering and circulating this corpus of information. It then considers what the digital disclosures, including 18-plus hours of aerial surveillance footage, can reveal about the racial and technological dimensions of contemporary state surveillance. In considering the agency’s strategies of public admission, I develop the concept of transparency optics and identify some of its potential logics at work. I then discuss these records’ epistemological limits, such as the shortcomings of analyzing digital processes through ocularcentric approaches. Finally, this article contrasts the FBI videos’ panoptic vantage of the protests with the embodied, ground-level perspective of a local participant’s documentary film.


Contexts ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 8-9
Author(s):  
Alisha Kirchoff ◽  
Fabio Rojas

In this article, Alisha Kirchoff and Fabio Rojas interview Nadeen Strossen, former President of the American Civil Liberties Union.


2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexandra Mateescu ◽  
Alex Rosenblat ◽  
danah boyd

In the wake of the police shooting of Michael Brown in August 2014, as well as the subsequent protests in Ferguson, Missouri and around the country, there has been a call to mandate the use of body-worn cameras to promote accountability and transparency in police- civilian interactions. Body-worn cameras have received positive appraisal from the NAACP Legal Defense & Education Fund, and the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU). The latter has stated that their widespread use “[has] the potential to be a win-win, helping protect the public against police misconduct, and at the same time helping protect police against false accusations of abuse.” In 2013, the Police Executive Research Forum (PERF) sent surveys to 500 of the 12,501 police departments in the U.S, and of the 254 who completed the survey only 63 of the departments reported using body-worn cameras. However, law enforcement agencies throughout the country are now rapidly adopting the cameras. In December 2014, President Obama proposed the Body-Worn Camera Partnership Program, which aims to invest $75 million through a 50% investment matching arrangement with states and localities to cover video storage and equipment expenses, with the goal of underwriting the costs of 50,000 body-worn cameras. The program is part of a broader three-year, $263 million initiative to strengthen community policing, and the funding plan is part of President Obama’s proposed FY2016 budget.


2013 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 7
Author(s):  
Doni Budiono

The  authority  of justice in Indonesia  is executed by  the Supreme Courts and  the  justice  boards/body under the Supreme Courts, including  the general  justice, religious affairs justice, military justice,  state administration  justice,  and  the Constitution Court. According to  certainty in  the Act of  Tax Court, Article1, clause  (5),  tax  dispute   refers to the legal dispute arising in the  taxation  affairs between the  tax payer or the  body  responsible for the  tax with   the government   executives  ( Directorate General of Tax) as the consequence of   the issue of  the decree for the  appeal  to the Tax  Court in accordance with the  tax Act, including the  charge  against the  execution of collection   in accordance with the  Act of Tax Collection by force. The  formation of Tax Court is  designed by  the Executives, in this case, the  Department of Finance, specifically  the Directorate   General  of Tax  which has the right to issue  law  more technical about  tax accord to Article 14,  letter A,  President Decree  no. 44  year 1974,  concerning the  basic  organization of the Department.  Based on  it,  it  is clear that  in addition to execute the government  rules and policy,  this body  has to execute judicial   rules and policy. This is against the  principles of  Judicative  Power/Authority in Indonesia,  which   clearly states that this body  should be under the Supreme Court.   Therefore. It is suggested that   the Act  No UU no.14 Year 2012 concerning  Tax Court   be revised  in accordance with the system of  Power Division  of Justice  as  stated in 45 Constitutions.


2021 ◽  
pp. 152715442098800
Author(s):  
Taufique Joarder ◽  
Md. Aslam Parvage ◽  
Lal B. Rawal ◽  
Syed Masud Ahmed

Nurses, short in production and inequitable in the distribution in Bangladesh, require the government’s efforts to increase enrolment in nursing education and a smooth career progression. Given the importance of an assessment of the current nursing scenario to inform the decision makers and practitioners to implement the new policies successfully, we analyzed relevant policies on education, career, and governance of nurses in Bangladesh. We used documents review and qualitative methods such as key informant interviews ( n = 13) and stakeholder analysis. We found that nursing education faced several backlashes: resistance from diploma nurses while attempting to establish a graduate (bachelor) course in 1977, and the reluctance of politicians and entrepreneurs to establish nursing institutions. Many challenges with the implementation of nursing policies are attributable to social, cultural, religious, and historical factors. For example, Hindus considered touching the bodily excretions as the task of the lower castes, while Muslims considered women touching the body of the men immoral. Nurses also face governance challenges linked with their performance and reward. For example, nurses have little voice over the decisions related to their profession, and they are not allowed to perform clinical duties unsupervised. To improve the situation, the government has made new policies, including upliftment of nurses’ position in public service, the creation of an independent Directorate General, and improvement of nursing education and service. New policies often come with new apprehensions. Therefore, nurses should be included in the policy processes, and their capacity should be developed in nursing leadership and health system governance.


2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (Supplement_2) ◽  
pp. ii138-ii138
Author(s):  
Iyad Alnahhas ◽  
Appaji Rayi ◽  
Yasmeen Rauf ◽  
Shirley Ong ◽  
Pierre Giglio ◽  
...  

Abstract INTRODUCTION While advocacy for inmates with cancer has recently gained momentum, little is known about management of brain tumors in inmates. Delays in acknowledging or recognizing nonspecific initial symptoms can lead to delayed diagnosis and treatment. Inmates with cancer are reported to either be ignored or receive substandard care due in part to cost or logistics (American Civil Liberties Union; ASCO Post 2018). METHODS In this retrospective study, we identified inmates with gliomas seen in the Ohio State University Neuro-oncology Center between 1/1/2010-4/20/2019. RESULTS Twelve patients were identified. Median age at presentation was 39.5 years (range 28-62). Eleven patients were Caucasian and one was African American. Diagnoses included glioblastoma (GBM) (n=6), anaplastic astrocytoma (n=1), anaplastic oligodendroglioma (n=1), low-grade astrocytoma (n=3) and anaplastic pleomorphic xanthroastrocytoma (n=1). Patients were more likely to present early after seizures or focal neurologic deficits (9/12) than after headaches alone. Patients with GBM started RT 12-71 days after surgery (median 34.5). One patient’s post-RT MRI was delayed by a month and another with GBM had treatment held after 4 cycles of adjuvant temozolomide (TMZ) due to “incarceration issues”. For one patient who received adjuvant TMZ, the facility failed to communicate with the primary team throughout treatment. Two patients suffered significant nausea while on chemotherapy due to inability to obtain ondansetron in prison, or due to wrong timing. 7/12 (58%) patients were lost to follow-up for periods of 3-15 months during treatment. Three patients refused adjuvant treatment. CONCLUSIONS Although this is a small series, our results highlight the inequities and challenges faced by inmates with gliomas who are more likely to forego treatments or whose incarceration prevents them from keeping appropriate treatment and follow-up schedules. Additional studies are needed to define and address these deficiencies in the care of inmates with brain tumors and other cancers.


Tempo ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 75 (296) ◽  
pp. 7-20
Author(s):  
Bethany Younge

AbstractThis article adopts a disability studies perspective to evaluate the ways in which Mauricio Kagel's Repertoire from Staatstheater reimagines human bodies. Objects and bodies interact in myriad ways within the one hundred vignettes of Repertoire: some objects hinder or aid the bodies on stage, while others become incorporated within the body, acting as a single expressive unit. My analysis demonstrates the ways in which both objects and bodies transform their traditional roles as ascribed by society, rejecting procrustean physiques. Using disability studies concepts such as embodiment and experientialism I evaluate sound and physical action as inextricable expressions of imaginative corporealities. Reflecting upon Kagel's identity as an outsider of the European avant-garde, as well as his irreverence for oppressive social institutions, I evince that other forms of hierarchical disruptions are at play, namely that abled bodies do not preside over disabled ones and notions of beauty hold no clout.


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