Street Fight and Media Fight

2020 ◽  
pp. 76-109
Author(s):  
Donald W. Rogers
Keyword(s):  
Free Speech ◽  
Civil Liberties ◽  
Federal Courts ◽  
Popular Front ◽  
Law And Order ◽  
Police Powers ◽  
Legal Questions ◽  
The Media ◽  
Municipal Police ◽  
American Civil Liberties Union

This chapter traces the political and media battle that unfolded 1937-38 over Jersey City’s denial of public speaking permits to the Committee for Industrial Organization, the American Civil Liberties Union, and supporters, including a few women. It shows how the media dominated popular understanding of the controversy by projecting rival discourses of democracy versus dictatorship and law and order versus subversive communism, temporarily obscuring legal questions about municipal police powers, labor law, and free speech that federal courts were on the verge of deciding. The chapter illustrates how the struggle intensified. Mayor Hague staged extravagant anticommunist “Americanism” rallies against the CIO with broad local support, while an outside pro-CIO left-labor coalition denounced Hague as a dictator in Popular Front language of antifascism and working-class Americanism.

Into Federal District Court

2020 ◽  
pp. 110-143
Author(s):  
Donald W. Rogers
Keyword(s):  
Civil Liberties ◽  
Federal District ◽  
Federal Courts ◽  
District Court ◽  
Jersey City ◽  
Federal District Court ◽  
Police Powers ◽  
Municipal Police ◽  
New Vision ◽  
American Civil Liberties Union

This chapter recounts the federal district court injunction proceeding instituted by the Committee for Industrial Organization (CIO) and American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) to stop Jersey City from denying leafletting rights and public-speaking permits. Revealing the hearing’s nastiness, the chapter shows that the trial had legal significance beyond exposing Mayor Hague’s misdeeds, as it tested whether Jersey City’s claim of traditional municipal police powers against alleged CIO communists or the ACLU’s new vision of nationally protected speech and assembly rights for workers would prevail, and indeed, whether federal courts would accept jurisdiction. With law in flux, the chapter concludes, the district court broke new ground by assuming jurisdiction, rejecting Jersey City’s old legal vision, embracing new ACLU views, and enjoining Jersey City as requested.

From Protest to Dissent: Wartime Activism and the Founding of the ACLU

2020 ◽  
pp. 163-192
Author(s):  
Amy Aronson
Keyword(s):  
National Security ◽  
Free Speech ◽  
Civil Liberties ◽  
Critical Time ◽  
Fundamental Rights ◽  
Free Press ◽  
Global Democracy ◽  
Liberty Of Conscience ◽  
American Civil Liberties Union ◽  
American Union

In June 1917, Congress passed the Espionage Act, suspending basic civil liberties in the name of wartime national security. Suddenly, peace work seemed dangerously untenable, even to some in movement leadership. Nevertheless, the American Union Against Militarism (AUAM) voted to test the new wartime laws, campaigning to prevent a draft and devising a new category of military exemption based on conscience. But continuing tensions threatened to rupture the AUAM from the inside. Lillian Wald and Paul Kellogg wanted to resign. Eastman proposed an eleventh-hour solution: create a single, separate legal bureau for the maintenance of fundamental rights in wartime—free press, free speech, freedom of assembly, and liberty of conscience. The new bureau became the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU). However, Eastman’s hopes to shape and oversee that work, keeping it focused on internationalism and global democracy, were not to be. The birth of her child sidelined her while Roger Baldwin, arriving at a critical time for the country and the organization, took charge and made the bureau his own.

scholarly journals The Sex Side of Civil Liberties:United States v. Dennettand the Changing Face of Free Speech

2012 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 325-386 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laura M. Weinrib
Keyword(s):  
Free Speech ◽  
Civil Liberties ◽  
The Body ◽  
Executive Board ◽  
Sexual Autonomy ◽  
Avant Garde ◽  
Political Views ◽  
The Government ◽  
American Civil Liberties Union

It was the policy of the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) during the 1920s to contest only those obscenity regulations that were “relied upon to punish persons for their political views.” So stated a 1928 ACLU bulletin, reiterating a position to which the organization had adhered since its formation in 1920. For the majority of the ACLU's executive board, “political views” encompassed the struggle for control of the government and the economy, but not of the body. The early ACLU was not interested in defending avant-garde culture, let alone sexual autonomy.

Workers against the City

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donald W. Rogers
Keyword(s):  
Civil Liberties ◽  
Federal District ◽  
Fourteenth Amendment ◽  
District Court ◽  
Jersey City ◽  
Public Places ◽  
Conventional View ◽  
Police Powers ◽  
Municipal Law ◽  
American Civil Liberties Union

This book contributes to legal and labor history by reinterpreting the U.S. Supreme Court’s Hague v. CIO (1939) decision, which upheld a federal district court injunction prohibiting Jersey City boss Frank Hague from obstructing workers from the Committee for Industrial Organization (CIO) and allies in the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) from meeting in urban public places. The case involved speech and assembly freedoms, rights essential for CIO workers’ organizing efforts, but, as the book shows, these rights were submerged under municipal police powers to preserve public order until the court brought them under federal protection of the Fourteenth Amendment in Hague. Revising the conventional view, the book argues that Hague was more than simply a civil liberties victory for workers over a dictatorial, antilabor city boss. Drawing on new evidence in city archives, CIO records, trial transcripts, newspaper reports, and Jersey City court filings, as well as traditional sources in ACLU records and anti-Hague literature, the book demonstrates that the Hague-versus-CIO controversy emanated more from shifts in the labor movement from craft to industrial unionism, in municipal law, in urban police practices, in the politics of anticommunism and antifascism, and especially in the Supreme Court’s “civil liberties revolution.” With women and African Americans on the periphery, the book concludes, male CIO workers initiated the case, but Hague ultimately benefitted outdoor protests more than it benefitted labor speech.

Pitiful Plaintiffs: Child Welfare Litigation and the Federal Courts. By Susan Gluck Mezey. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2000. 209p. $45.00 cloth, $19.95 paper.

2001 ◽  
Vol 95 (1) ◽  
pp. 216-217
Author(s):  
William T. Gormley
Keyword(s):  
Continuity Of Care ◽  
Due Process ◽  
Civil Liberties ◽  
Fourteenth Amendment ◽  
Federal Courts ◽  
Class Action ◽  
Family Services ◽  
University Of Pittsburgh ◽  
Abuse And Neglect ◽  
American Civil Liberties Union

In 1988 the American Civil Liberties Union filed a class action lawsuit against the Illinois Department of Children and Family Services (DCFS), on behalf of B. H., a 17-year- old youth in foster care, and nearly 20,000 other children forced to live outside their home because of abuse and neglect. Attorneys accused the DCFS, responsible for pro- tecting and placing such children, with violations of Illinois statutes and the due process clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. B. H., for example, had been placed in ten different settings despite clear evidence that children require continuity of care for their emotional growth.

Free Speech

Contexts ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 8-9
Author(s):  
Alisha Kirchoff ◽  
Fabio Rojas
Keyword(s):  
Free Speech ◽  
Civil Liberties ◽  
American Civil Liberties Union

In this article, Alisha Kirchoff and Fabio Rojas interview Nadeen Strossen, former President of the American Civil Liberties Union.

scholarly journals NCOG-42. INITIAL PRESENTATION AND OUTPATIENT VISIT COMPLIANCE OF INMATES WITH BRAIN TUMORS

2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (Supplement_2) ◽  
pp. ii138-ii138
Author(s):  
Iyad Alnahhas ◽  
Appaji Rayi ◽  
Yasmeen Rauf ◽  
Shirley Ong ◽  
Pierre Giglio ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Brain Tumors ◽  
Civil Liberties ◽  
Delayed Diagnosis ◽  
Low Grade ◽  
Small Series ◽  
Initial Symptoms ◽  
The Ohio State University ◽  
American Civil Liberties Union ◽  
Lost To Follow Up

Abstract INTRODUCTION While advocacy for inmates with cancer has recently gained momentum, little is known about management of brain tumors in inmates. Delays in acknowledging or recognizing nonspecific initial symptoms can lead to delayed diagnosis and treatment. Inmates with cancer are reported to either be ignored or receive substandard care due in part to cost or logistics (American Civil Liberties Union; ASCO Post 2018). METHODS In this retrospective study, we identified inmates with gliomas seen in the Ohio State University Neuro-oncology Center between 1/1/2010-4/20/2019. RESULTS Twelve patients were identified. Median age at presentation was 39.5 years (range 28-62). Eleven patients were Caucasian and one was African American. Diagnoses included glioblastoma (GBM) (n=6), anaplastic astrocytoma (n=1), anaplastic oligodendroglioma (n=1), low-grade astrocytoma (n=3) and anaplastic pleomorphic xanthroastrocytoma (n=1). Patients were more likely to present early after seizures or focal neurologic deficits (9/12) than after headaches alone. Patients with GBM started RT 12-71 days after surgery (median 34.5). One patient’s post-RT MRI was delayed by a month and another with GBM had treatment held after 4 cycles of adjuvant temozolomide (TMZ) due to “incarceration issues”. For one patient who received adjuvant TMZ, the facility failed to communicate with the primary team throughout treatment. Two patients suffered significant nausea while on chemotherapy due to inability to obtain ondansetron in prison, or due to wrong timing. 7/12 (58%) patients were lost to follow-up for periods of 3-15 months during treatment. Three patients refused adjuvant treatment. CONCLUSIONS Although this is a small series, our results highlight the inequities and challenges faced by inmates with gliomas who are more likely to forego treatments or whose incarceration prevents them from keeping appropriate treatment and follow-up schedules. Additional studies are needed to define and address these deficiencies in the care of inmates with brain tumors and other cancers.

scholarly journals Valsts un pašvaldības kompetence sabiedriskās kārtības nodrošināšanā publiskos pasākumos

2015 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-34
Author(s):  
Kristīne Kuzņecova
Keyword(s):  
Local Government ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
The State ◽  
Public Order ◽  
Law Enforcement Agencies ◽  
Public Events ◽  
Police Powers ◽  
State And Local Government ◽  
Municipal Police ◽  
State And Local

Arvien aktuālāki kļūst jautājumi par valsts un pašvaldības institūciju kompetenci sabiedriskās kārtības un drošības garantēšanā publisku pasākumu laikā. Tiesību aizsardzības iestādēm viens no svarīgākajiem uzdevumiem ir sabiedriskās kārtības un drošības garantēšana šo pasākumu norises vietās. Lai arī būtiska loma tās nodrošināšanā ir atvēlēta pašvaldību institūcijām (pašvaldības policija šobrīd ir viens no nozīmīgākajiem Valsts policijas sadarbības partneriem policijas funkciju pildīšanā), praksē novērojamas vairākas problēmas. Pirmkārt, vai valsts un pašvaldības policijas iestādēm ir pietiekami materiāltehniskie un cilvēkresursi, lai garantētu sabiedrisko kārtību liela mēroga (arī paaugstināta riska) publiskos pasākumos? Otrkārt, vai šo iestāžu darbinieki publisku pasākumu laikā izmanto samērīgus tiesiskos līdzekļus, lai vērstos pret sabiedriskās kārtības pārkāpējiem? Issues affecting the state and local government institution competence in public order and security maintaining in public events is becoming increasingly crucial. One of the most important tasks of the law enforcement agencies is guaranteeing public order and security. Although the crucial role in guaranteeing is devoted to local government bodies, where municipal police institute is currently one of the most important partners of the State Police in police powers provision, in practice are turning out a number of problems. First, whether the state and municipal police authorities have sufficient logistical and human resources to ensure public order in large-scale (and sensitive) public events. Second, whether the enforcement officers during public events use proportionate legal means to crack down violators of public order.

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