scholarly journals Learning to Learn; Learning to Win: How to Succeed in the Simulated World of Model NATO

2008 ◽  
Vol 41 (04) ◽  
pp. 865-869 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrey A. Meleshevich ◽  
Howard Tamashiro

Simulations and role-playing exercises have been used effectively as a teaching device in all areas of political science and international relations. One such simulation, with 20 years of success, is the Model NATO Conference, currently sponsored annually in Washington, D.C., by Howard University and Kent State University's Center for International and Comparative Studies. Model NATO is an intercollegiate, competitive, and experiential learning exercise that models the decision-making and crisis management processes of NATO. Student delegations, representing different NATO member-countries, negotiate consensus agreements while promoting their often conflicting national interests. According to the Model NATO web site, this competition is designed to

1976 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 246-266 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donald E. Nuechterlein

The term “national interest” has been used by statesmen and scholars since the founding of nation-states to describe the aspirations and goals of sovereign entities in the international arena. Today foreign ministers, military strategists and academicians discuss the vital interests of their countries in ways suggesting that everyone understands precisely what they mean and will draw correct inferences from their use of the term. Nothing could be further from reality. In truth, the study of international politics as well as the art of diplomacy suffer from widespread ambiguity about the meaning of national interest, with the result that some scholars have proposed that the concept be abandoned and replaced by some other phrase. To my mind, this would be an abdication of the scholar's responsibility because, whether we like it or not, the term national interest is so deeply ingrained in the literature of international relations and diplomatic language that it is unlikely to be dismissed from our vocabulary simply because some scholars find it useless. Were we to attempt to substitute some new phrase, we would likely find even less consensus and could become engaged in yet another round of jargon-creation. A better alternative, I suggest, is to strive for a more precise definition of national interest and then provide a conceptual framework in which serious discussion of foreign policy and international politics can become more fruitful. That is the purpose of this paper.


1998 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-57 ◽  
Author(s):  

AbstractThis article explores the value of experiential learning about international negotiations through role-playing exercises. Simulations have been employed successfully in international relations courses since the late 1950s, but the end of the Cold War has prompted a renewed interest in simulations as interactive teaching tools that capture the dynamics of change in the international system. Building on the existing literature on simulations, I describe an effective role-playing exercise for the new era, the Global Problems Summit, which was originally designed for an advanced undergraduate Political Science course at The College of Wooster. This simulation is structured to fulfill clear educational objectives by providing an opportunity for experiential learning about international diplomacy and the complexity of global problems, an understanding of different national perspectives on these issues, and the development of negotiation and communication skills to promote international cooperation. Three years of successful application lead me to conclude that the Global Problems Summit and related role-playing simulations can truly enliven the international relations classroom and enhance the learning experience.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 60-71
Author(s):  
Devi Yusvitasari

A country needs to make contact with each other based on the national interests of each country related to each other, including among others economic, social, cultural, legal, political, and so on. With constant and continuous association between the nations of the world, it is one of the conditions for the existence of the international community. One form of cooperation between countries in the world is in the form of international relations by placing diplomatic representation in various countries. These representatives have diplomatic immunity and diplomatic immunity privileges that are in accordance with the jurisdiction of the recipient country and civil and criminal immunity for witnesses. The writing of the article entitled "The Application of the Principle of Non-Grata Persona to the Ambassador Judging from the Perspective of International Law" describes how the law on the abuse of diplomatic immunity, how a country's actions against abuse of diplomatic immunity and how to analyze a case of abuse of diplomatic immunity. To answer the problem used normative juridical methods through the use of secondary data, such as books, laws, and research results related to this research topic. Based on the results of the study explained that cases of violations of diplomatic relations related to the personal immunity of diplomatic officials such as cases such as cases of persecution by the Ambassador of Saudi Arabia to Indonesian Workers in Germany are of serious concern. The existence of diplomatic immunity is considered as protection so that perpetrators are not punished. Actions against the abuse of recipient countries of diplomatic immunity may expel or non-grata persona to diplomatic officials, which is stipulated in the Vienna Convention in 1961, because of the right of immunity attached to each diplomatic representative.


Upravlenie ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 116-122
Author(s):  
Sadeghi Elham Mir Mohammad ◽  
Ahmad Vakhshitekh

The article considers and analyses the basic principles and directions of Russian foreign policy activities during the presidency of V.V. Putin from the moment of his assumption of the post of head of state to the current presidential term. The authors determine the basic principles of Russia's foreign policy in the specified period and make the assessment to them. The study uses materials from publications of both Russian and foreign authors, experts in the field of political science, history and international relations, as well as documents regulating the foreign policy activities of the highest state authorities. The paper considers the process of forming the priorities of Russia's foreign policy both from the point of view of accumulated historical experience and continuity of the internal order, and in parallel with the processes of transformation of the entire system of international relations and the world order. The article notes the multi-vector nature of Russia's foreign policy strategy aimed at developing multilateral interstate relations, achieving peace and security in the interstate arena, actively countering modern challenges and threats to interstate security, as well as the formation of a multipolar world. The authors conclude that at present, Russia's foreign policy activity is aimed at strengthening Russia's prestige, supporting economic growth and competitiveness, ensuring security and implementing national interests. Internal political reforms contribute to strengthening the political power of the President of the Russian Federation and increasing the efficiency of foreign policy decision-making.


2020 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
pp. 279-291
Author(s):  
Aicha A. Teyeb

  تهدف هذه الورقة لتقديم قراءة أولية في مسارات إدارة أزمة جائحة (19-COVID)، لا سيَّما في مجتمعاتنا العربية، وما أنتجته مجريات الانتشار السريع للفيروس من توسُّع أفقي في مفهوم الأمن وتعدُّد فاعليه وتجدُّد أساليبه وإستراتيجياته. وتطرح إشكاليةً تتساءل عن المستويات الجديدة التي برزت في مفهوم الأمن المجتمعي خلال يوميات الجائحة على مستوى الإدارة الرسميَّة من جهة، وعلى مستوى المكافحة المجتمعية غير الرسمية من جهة أخرى. واعتمدت الورقة على منهجيَّة وصفيَّة تحليليَّة حاولت تعقُّب أحداث الجائحة وتلمُّس صداها في وسائل الإعلام وفي مواقع التواصل الاجتماعي، واقتفاء أثر ما يصدر يوميًّا حتى تاريخ كتابة الورقة من الجهات والأجهزة الرسمية من بيانات ومعلومات وإحصاءات. ومن أهم النتائج المتوصل إليها نذكر بيان أهمية الدور الذي لعبته الشرائح الاجتماعية المختلفة في المجتمعات العربية في إنجاح إدارة الأزمة بإسهاماتها النوعيَّة في المكافحة المجتمعيَّة للفيروس، ودورها في معاضدة الجهود الرسميَّة في توفير الأمن الصحِّي والمجتمعي. كما تمّ الوقوف على دور الجائحة في مساعدة المجتمعات العربية على استعادة ثقتها بنفسها وكوادرها الأمنية والطبية، ودورها في إعادة اكتشاف تلك المجتمعات لأعماقها، وكسَّر أوهام الاعتماد المطلق على الغرب المتقدم، والعجز عن التصنيع. وتضمنت الورقة جملة من التوصيات منها عمل الجهات المختصة وطنيًّا وإقليميًّا على مزيد تثمين نتائج البحوث والدراسات العلمية والرفع من ميزانيات البحث العلمي وإعادة الاعتبار للعلماء والباحثين في مختلف الحقول والتخصُّصات. وأهمية الاعتماد على الكفاءات العلميَّة المتميزة في التخصُّصات العلمية والإنسانية والاجتماعية لمراجعة الخيارات الاقتصادية والإستراتيجية الكبرى في مجال التصنيع والغذاء والدواء والبحث العلمي. والعمل على تعزيز دور المنظمات الإقليمية العربية وتحفيزها على القيام بأدوار أكثر فاعلية في حماية المصالح المشتركة في ظل التهديدات المتنامية لمجتمع المخاطر العالمي.


Author(s):  
Igor Klimenko ◽  
A. Ivlev

The study carried out in this work made it possible to expand the rank scale for a priori assessment of the chosen strategy in terms of increasing the sensitivity of assessing the caution / negligence ratio using risky, as well as classical decision-making criteria under conditions of statistical uncertainty.


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