The Spectres Haunting Europe: Reading Contemporary Catalan Nationalism through The Break-Up of Britain

2018 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 600-615
Author(s):  
Jerry White

This article reads contemporary Catalan nationalist discourse through the lens of Tom Nairn’s polemical classic The Break-Up of Britain. First published in 1977, that text presents key issues for understanding contemporary Catalonia. The first is the emergence of a national sentiment that is separate from that of anti-colonialism because it is characterized by a higher level of economic development than the place it is seeking to break from, but is the repository of a legitimate claim to self-determination. That is how Nairn sees the Northern Ireland–Éire relationship, and that is a good analogy for Spain–Catalonia. The second is the tension between what he sees as ‘indifferent’, that is to say strictly civic-political nationalism and a more linguistically or culturally-driven nationalism. This is also a key tension in Catalonia, where immigration has transformed the national movement towards an interculturalist ideology and a de facto bilingualism (with Catalan and Spanish) remains a key but strategically unacknowledged element of that movement. The third aspect of Break-Up, and the synthesis of the comparison, is the importance of federalism, which is key for Nairn in seeing a way forward for the constituent countries of the UK and long a crucial, if not the crucial, political element of catalanisme.

2021 ◽  
pp. 307-322
Author(s):  
Jonathan Bradbury

The book has provided four sets of conclusions. First, the examination of territorial strain, the nature of territorial problems and the characteristics of background conditions gives us a lens through which to evaluate critically the social, economic and cultural context to territorial politics. The second set of conclusions relate to the approaches used in the movements for territorial constitutional change in exploiting the support they did have and overcoming those weaknesses that still existed. As part of the reality of how territorial change happens it is to be expected that in the particular case of the UK that all territorial movements emerged out of party political contestation and self-interested party choices, and then had to define approaches heavily determined by party constraints. The third set of conclusions relate to UK central government. The UK centre was also in part defined by the pursuit of party power, and the key party at the UK level ready to address territorial constitutional reform — the Labour Party — faced large challenges and anxieties after 18 years out of office when they prepared for the 1997 general election. The final set of conclusions relate to the importance of constitutional policy processes to the resolution of conflicts in centre–periphery relations. Approaches to the development of devolution policy were followed which made the best efforts to achieve territorial balance under the constraints that they faced. The policy processes in Scotland and Northern Ireland achieved sometimes high, but at least sufficient, levels of inclusiveness in their mechanisms of negotiation.


1999 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-31 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brigid Hadfield

Under three broad headings, namely, the internal dimension, the Westminster dimension and the intergovernmental dimension, this article seeks to analyse and explore the nature of devolution and to consider factors pertinent to its development. The article, thus, first compares the provisions of the Scotland Act 1998 and of the Northern Ireland Act 1998 on the electoral system, the size of the devolved legislature, the power of dissolution and the formation and the scrutiny of the devolved executive. The prime purpose of this section is to identify the principles enshrined in the legislation which may affect the way in which devolution will operate within its own borders. While this first dimension draws on the statutory provisions, the second, dealing with the relationships between the devolved system and Westminster, concerns issues to be regulated almost entirely by non-statutory “understandings” and by parliamentary/assembly Standing Orders. These issues include most crucially the power of the devolved legislature to debate non-devolved matters and the power of Westminster to debate devolved matters. Thirdly, the article deals with the mechanisms of co-operation to be introduced for the discussion of intergovernmental issues throughout the UK, that is, those arising between Westminster, Edinburgh, Belfast and Cardiff. In this context, consideration will be given to the proposed Joint Ministerial Committee. Mention will also be made of the British–Irish Council, although this is a body whose powers will go beyond solely UK devolution concerns.


2020 ◽  
pp. 189-202
Author(s):  
Klaus Stolz

In the last fifty years, the UK has seen considerable political divergence between its constituent nations, especially between Scotland and England. This observation applies both to the constitutional debate, including the question of EU membership, as well as to many policy issues, such as the orientation of successive British governments towards austerity. In the Scottish Brexit debate both these aspects have come together potentially providing the trigger for the final break-up of an increasingly disunited Kingdom. The first part of this chapter traces diverging Scottish attitudes towards EC/EU membership and towards fiscal austerity since the early 1970s. The second part concentrates on the Scottish debate during the Brexit referendum campaign in 2016. The third and last part deals with Scotland’s ability to exert agency during the Brexit negotiations and the potential implications of Brexit for Scotland.


Author(s):  
Susan Kay-Flowers

The chapter starts by describing the types of families in the United Kingdom (UK) and goes on to explain some of the legislation governing marriage, civil partnerships and divorce. Using data available from each of the Home Nations - England, Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland - it assesses the extent of divorce across the UK and the number of children affected, where possible. The type of information collected by each government varies, meaning the picture is incomplete. The second part of the chapter explains the reasons for focusing on children’s ‘voice’ and identifies previous research studies giving ‘voice’ to their experience of parental separation and divorce. The main themes emerging from the review are used to report their findings in the third part of the chapter under the following headings: parental communication; children’s involvement in decision-making; continuity in relationships and arrangements; support; parental conflict; family transitions and looking back on their experience.


2016 ◽  
Vol 56 (3) ◽  
pp. 147-158
Author(s):  
Zdenko Čepič

In his article, the author discusses the formation of Slovenia in the “short” 20th century as the predecessor of the independent and sovereign Republic of Slovenia. The establishment of the Republic of Slovenia as an independent and sovereign state is considered a dissolution or the opposite of the unification into the Yugoslav state in 1918 and 1943/45. The break-up was legally and politically based in self-determination, a principle on which the Yugoslav state was formed and on the grounds of which the Republic of Slovenia severed its political and legal ties with Yugoslavia.  The author thoroughly examines the three instances in which self-determination was exercised as a way in which the Slovenians either entered the Yugoslav state (1918, 1943/45) or departed from it (1990/91). Although the principle of self-determination was asserted by a different entity in each of these instances, their purpose and substance are connected in terms of cause as each previous instance served as a prerequisite for the success of the next. Especially without the second instance of self-determination, which served as the basis for the second Yugoslavia (1943/45–1991), it would be impossible to achieve the third self-determination, which led to the formation of the independent and sovereign state of Slovenia in 1991. 


2003 ◽  
Vol 3 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 158-161
Author(s):  
John Morison

In Northern Ireland there has been a lot of interesting experience of devolution (although rather less of lawmaking, especially recently). Indeed, the experience of devolution in Northern Ireland is greater than elsewhere in the United Kingdom as this present (interrupted) phase is the third version that has taken place. Such a history, involving as it does not just various failures but also a fifty year record of relative stability might suggest that Northern Ireland has particular lessons to offer to the devolution process that the UK has experienced since 1998.


2014 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-90 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Psoinos

This paper explores how refugees in the UK perceive the relation between their experience of migration and their psychosocial health. Autobiographical narrative interviews were carried out with fifteen refugees residing in the UK. The findings reveal a contrast between the negative stereotypes concerning refugees’ psychosocial health and the participants’ own perceptions. Two of the three emerging narratives suggest a more balanced view of refugees’ psychosocial health, since- in contrast to the stereotypes- most participants did not perceive this through the lens of ‘vulnerability’. The third narrative revealed that a hostile social context can negatively shape refugees’ perceptions of their psychosocial health. This runs counter to the stereotype of refugees as being exclusively responsible for their ‘passiveness’ and therefore for the problems they face. 


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 9-20
Author(s):  
Inna Yeung

Choice of profession is a social phenomenon that every person has to face in life. Numerous studies convince us that not only the well-being of a person depends on the chosen work, but also his attitude to himself and life in general, therefore, the right and timely professional choice is very important. Research about factors of career self-determination of students of higher education institutions in Ukraine shows that self-determination is an important factor in the socialization of young person, and the factors that determine students' career choices become an actual problem of nowadays. The present study involved full-time and part-time students of Institute of Philology and Mass Communications of Open International University of Human Development "Ukraine" in order to examine the factors of career self-determination of students of higher education institutions (N=189). Diagnostic factors of career self-determination of students studying in the third and fourth year were carried out using the author's questionnaire. Processing of obtained data was carried out using the Excel 2010 program; factorial and comparative analysis were applied. Results of the study showed that initial stage of career self-determination falls down on the third and fourth studying year at the university, when an image of future career and career orientations begin to form. At the same time, the content of career self-determination in this period is contradictory and uncertain, therefore, the implementation of pedagogical support of this process among students is effective.


Author(s):  
Barbara K. Gold

This chapter discusses the key issues surrounding Perpetua’s life and her narrative, the Passio Sanctarum Perpetuae et Felicitatis. It introduces the most perplexing circumstances around her life and times: the authorship of her Passio (which is written in at least three different hands); her life and family; the conditions of her martyrdom and of martyrdoms during the pre-Constantinian period; the status of martyrdom texts as personal, social, or historical documents; whether persecutions can be historically verified or were exaggerated by the Christians and others; and the afterlife of Perpetua and her text in writers from the third century to contemporary times. The introduction lays out the arguments for these thorny issues and tries to find a reasonable position on each one.


Author(s):  
Paul Brooker ◽  
Margaret Hayward

The Armani high-fashion example illustrates the importance of adaptive rational methods in his founding and developing of an iconic high-fashion firm. Armani adapted stylistically to fashion’s new times in the 1970–80s by creating a new style catering for the career woman. His stylistic adaptation is compared with that of another famous Italian fashion designer, Versace, who instead modernized haute couture fashion and created a succession of glamourous styles. Both leaders exploited the same opportunity but in different ways. The third section compares these leaders’ legacies in the 1990s–2000s and assesses from a long-term perspective how capably they had used adaptive rational methods. The final section shifts the focus from fashion to the cosmetics industry and from Italy to the UK. Anita Roddick used adaptive rational methods to establish The Body Shop corporation in the 1970s–80s. However, she then abandoned rational methods with dire results for her corporation in the 1990s.


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