III. The Pipe Rolls and the Historians, 1600–1883

1952 ◽  
Vol 10 (03) ◽  
pp. 271-292 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lady Stenton

It is a remarkable fact that the only continuous series of records which has survived from the twelfth century, the Great Rolls of the Pipe, was not completely available in print with adequate indexes until the thirties of the twentieth century. The search for an explanation takes one back to the beginnings of English medieval scholarship in the early seventeenth century. The great antiquaries of that day had not conceived the idea of printing adequately indexed editions of the records they used, for the medieval past, when books were patiently transcribed by hand for circulation, was too near. When scholars met to discuss their work it was of making copies by hand and passing them from one to another that they talked. They were concerned that the notes sent to them should be on ‘paper of the same size for bignesse as the sender first did use’. To them in the seventeenth century, the past was a virgin field in which they had no forerunners; and they themselves aimed at writing history which should stand for ever.

1982 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-25 ◽  
Author(s):  
David C. Lindberg

Roger Bacon has often been victimized by his friends, who have exaggerated and distorted his place in the history of mathematics. He has too often been viewed as the first, or one of the first, to grasp the possibilities and promote the cause of modern mathematical physics. Even those who have noticed that Bacon was more given to the praise than to the practice of mathematics have seen in his programmatic statements an anticipation of seventeenth-century achievements. But if we judge Bacon by twentieth-century criteria and pronounce him an anticipator of modern science, we will fail totally to understand his true contributions; for Bacon was not looking to the future, but responding to the past; he was grappling with ancient traditions and attempting to apply the truth thus gained to the needs of thirteenth-century Christendom. If we wish to understand Bacon, therefore, we must take a backward, rather than a forward, look; we must view him in relation to his predecessors and contemporaries rather than his successors; we must consider not his influence, but his sources and the use to which he put them.


1963 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 365-377 ◽  
Author(s):  
Louis Hartz

In the seventeenth century America escaped from the world, in the twentieth century it has been forced to return to it. This cycle contains the drama of the American historical consciousness which protected America's provincialism in the past but is bound now, in the age of the reverse migration, to serve as an instrument of its dissolution.


2012 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 21
Author(s):  
Guodong Zhang ◽  
Thomas A. Green

<em>Meihuaquan</em> (“Plum Blossom Fist [Boxing]”) has traditionally been practiced as vernacular (folk) art practiced among the Han ethnic group residing in the Shandong, Henan and Hebei Provinces of China. Historical documentation dates Plum Blossom Boxing to the seventeenth century. The classic Chinese novel, <em>Shu</em><em>ǐhǔ Zhuàn </em>(<em>Marsh Chronicles</em>) recounts the martial exploits of Shandong’s twelfth century outlaw heroes who may have been Mei Boxers, also. Thus, for perhaps a millennium, the region has been noted for vernacular martial arts and social banditry. The region’s rampant lawlessness promoted highly-developed martial prowess among both lawbreakers and those who were required to protect themselves against the brigands. Cultural, economic, and environmental factors in the region gave rise to heterodox political and religious beliefs that frequently served as a catalyst for martial sects, most notably the “Boxers” who at the turn of the twentieth century, came into conflict with the imperial government. These factors laid the groundwork for the “character traits” of the art while Taoism, the Five Elements theory, and a concept of predictable change shaped Plum Boxing’s strategic and mechanical principles. In the past decade, there have been efforts to globalize this vernacular martial art. Rather than driving Plum Boxing to extinction it is likely that the folk and the “larger than local” will co-exist.


1998 ◽  
Vol 61 (2) ◽  
pp. 228-261 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julia Leslie

This paper is a meditation from a religious studies perspective on the twelfth-century Vīraśaiva saint, Basava (c. 1105–68); that is, its primary focus is religious experience rather than literary evaluation or the historicity of the past. By exploring a variety of sources—ancient and modern, fact and fiction—and by making connections with urgent twentieth-century concerns, it seeks to bring into focus the religious aspirations and social implications of Basava's world. Part 1 is derived from history and hagiography. It provides an outline of Vīraśaiva belief and practice, and then proceeds to discuss the religious context of twelfth-century Karnataka, the debate regarding the origins of this ‘new’ religion, and a key inscription in the debate. It ends with a summary of the tradition's account of Basava's life. Part 2 focuses on a play written in Kannada (Taledaṇḍa, ‘Death by beheading’, 1990) and then rewritten in English for a pan-Indian and international audience (Talé-Daṇḍa: a play, 1993), in both cases by Girish Karnad. Karnad is not the first playwright to focus on Basava, and he will not be the last. In the preface to the Kannada version, he explains that ‘it becomes inevitable for every Kannadiga to return, like a tongue that returns again and again to a painful tooth, to the victories and agonies of that period.’ Karnad's dramatization of Basava's catastrophic final year is discussed in the context of the historical and hagiographical material considered in Part 1.


1991 ◽  
Vol 105 (1) ◽  
pp. 32-38
Author(s):  
Hugo Postma ◽  
Marjo Blok

AbstractVarious sources record the St. Luke's Feasts which were held in Amsterdam in 1653 and 1654. In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, however, the two feasts had already become confused with one another in some texts. Twentieth-century expositions drawing on these sources convey an erroneous impression of the actual course of events. This article discusses the possible causes of the confusion. The most important facts pertaining to the festivities are stated in their correct order, and a few new ideas are offered for consideration. All the known source material and relevant secondary literature are subjected to close scrutiny, and some new material is presented. The confusion which has misled so many authors in the past stems from a discussion in literary publications on Vondel in the nineteen-twenties. It is quite conceivable that the debate was fuelled by the form in which certain texts were published in the seventeenth century, and by the incorrect information about the two feasts in Houbrakcn and Wagcnaar. The feasts of 1653 and 1654 evidently differed in character. Although both were St. Luke's banquets, the accents were different. The 1653 celebrations involved painters and poets, whereas in 1654 painters and sculptors were the chief protagonists. There arc also hints that the 1654 festivities were organized on an ambitious scale. Notably the recently discovered handsome first edition of 'Broederschap Der Schilderkunst INGEWYDT Door SCHILDERS, BEELDTHOUWERS En des Zelfs BEGUNSTIGERS; Op den 21 l'an Wynmaent 1654, op St. Joris Doelen. In AMSTERDAM' endorses these suggestions.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-12 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amy Kittelstrom

The story of American intellectual history has a mythic quality: a slow beginning, a rise to great heights, and a precipitous fall. Early in the twentieth century, the study of American history and literature grew in American colleges and universities, after many years of teaching European ideas in lieu of an American canon. Then, from a literature department arose Vernon Louis Parrington and from an American studies department Perry Miller—their writing compelling, learned, and suggestive. Their books and their students established the new field of American intellectual history, drawing readers far and wide into their interpretations of how not just individuals but entire peoples had “minds” that hovered above society, transmitting ideas from the past and changing with the times. Miller pioneered this approach with The New England Mind: The Seventeenth Century, which became required reading for historians for decades—and ever since, for Puritan specialists. Miller used the published sermons of the most prominent theologians—and their European sources—to describe a crisis in Puritan thought over the character of their faith and therefore purpose. The concept of the regional or national mind became so popular that when Parrington's student Henry Steele Commager published The American Mind at mid-century, the book met a hungry public and went into eight printings in seven years.


Urban History ◽  
1975 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 22-28
Author(s):  
Henry C. Binford

In the statistical jungle of the twentieth century, the collection of vast amounts of demographic data is an activity as relentless as breathing. We seldom question our impulse to count ourselves, and to ensure that our births, marriages, deaths, and innumerable other events are duly and permanently recorded. For reasons of both practicality and curiosity, historians and demographers have long attempted to possess the same sorts of data for as much of the past as possible, and have devised ever more ingenious ways of obtaining them. Most recently, such efforts have involved systematic analysis of very large numbers of quantitative records, and have borne fruit in studies of family characteristics, population trends, migration, mobility, and the like. As a result, it is now reasonable to discuss age-specific fertility in seventeenth-century Colyton as well as in twentieth-century London. With understandable pride, the practitioners of the new historical demography have described their accomplishment as one of pushing back the boundary which divides our modern, numerical age from a “pre-statistical past”.


What did it mean to be a man in Scotland over the past nine centuries? Scotland, with its stereotypes of the kilted warrior and the industrial ‘hard man’, has long been characterised in masculine terms, but there has been little historical exploration of masculinity in a wider context. This interdisciplinary collection examines a diverse range of the multiple and changing forms of masculinities from the late eleventh to the late twentieth century, exploring the ways in which Scottish society through the ages defined expectations for men and their behaviour. How men reacted to those expectations is examined through sources such as documentary materials, medieval seals, romances, poetry, begging letters, police reports and court records, charity records, oral histories and personal correspondence. Focusing upon the wide range of activities and roles undertaken by men – work, fatherhood and play, violence and war, sex and commerce – the book also illustrates the range of masculinities that affected or were internalised by men. Together, the chapters illustrate some of the ways Scotland’s gender expectations have changed over the centuries and how, more generally, masculinities have informed the path of Scottish history


2010 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 181-194
Author(s):  
Marjorie Perloff

This essay offers a critical re-assessment of Hugh Kenner's The Pound Era. It argues that Kenner's magisterial survey remains important to our understanding of Modernism, despite its frankly partisan viewpoint. Kenner's is an insider's account of the Anglo-American Modernist writing that he takes to have been significant because it sought to invent a new language consonant with the ethos of the twentieth century. The essay suggests that Kenner's impeccable attention to the Modernist renovation of language goes beyond formalism, since, for him, its ‘patterned energies’ (a term derived from Buckminster Fuller's theory of knots) relate Modernism to the larger complex of artefacts within which it functions and, beyond these, to what he takes to be the great works of the past and to the scientific-technological inventions of the present. But the essay also points out that Kenner's is an eccentric canon, which makes no room for Forster, Frost, Lawrence, or Stevens. Furthermore, Kenner's emphasis on the First World War as a great cultural rupture, while plausible, works less well for Joyce and Williams than it does for Pound and Eliot.


Author(s):  
VICTOR BURLACHUK

At the end of the twentieth century, questions of a secondary nature suddenly became topical: what do we remember and who owns the memory? Memory as one of the mental characteristics of an individual’s activity is complemented by the concept of collective memory, which requires a different method of analysis than the activity of a separate individual. In the 1970s, a situation arose that gave rise to the so-called "historical politics" or "memory politics." If philosophical studies of memory problems of the 30’s and 40’s of the twentieth century were focused mainly on the peculiarities of perception of the past in the individual and collective consciousness and did not go beyond scientific discussions, then half a century later the situation has changed dramatically. The problem of memory has found its political sound: historians and sociologists, politicians and representatives of the media have entered the discourse on memory. Modern society, including all social, ethnic and family groups, has undergone a profound change in the traditional attitude towards the past, which has been associated with changes in the structure of government. In connection with the discrediting of the Soviet Union, the rapid decline of the Communist Party and its ideology, there was a collapse of Marxism, which provided for a certain model of time and history. The end of the revolutionary idea, a powerful vector that indicated the direction of historical time into the future, inevitably led to a rapid change in perception of the past. Three models of the future, which, according to Pierre Nora, defined the face of the past (the future as a restoration of the past, the future as progress and the future as a revolution) that existed until recently, have now lost their relevance. Today, absolute uncertainty hangs over the future. The inability to predict the future poses certain challenges to the present. The end of any teleology of history imposes on the present a debt of memory. Features of the life of memory, the specifics of its state and functioning directly affect the state of identity, both personal and collective. Distortion of memory, its incorrect work, and its ideological manipulation can give rise to an identity crisis. The memorial phenomenon is a certain political resource in a situation of severe socio-political breaks and changes. In the conditions of the economic crisis and in the absence of a real and clear program for future development, the state often seeks to turn memory into the main element of national consolidation.


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