Will India's Disengaging Trade Policy Restrict it From Playing a Greater Global Role?

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-17
Author(s):  
Amitendu Palit

Abstract India's ambition of playing a prominent role in regional and global affairs has been particularly visible since the assumption of office by Prime Minister Narendra Modi in May 2014. The ambition has resulted in India's external engagement, abandoning the posturing of non-alignment for a more proactive multi-alignment strategy. Its efforts to engage with major powers such as the US and China, as well as other global middle powers such as Japan, the UK, and Australia, have been positioned on rapid economic progress, enabled by one of the fastest rates of growth among major economies. Attempts to expand global strategic influence, a natural outcome of robust economic expansion, should have seen India pursuing an aggressive outward-oriented external trade policy for increasing its share in global trade. India, though, has shown a marked resistance to open trade, including being reluctant to engage in regional and bilateral trade negotiations. This paper examines the dichotomy between India's desire to play a prominent global role and its aversion to open trade policies. Attributing the inward-looking approach to lack of competitiveness of Indian industry, absence of domestic pro-trade constituencies, and discomfort in negotiating new-generation trade issues, the paper argues India's quest for greater global strategic influence might be adversely affected by its restrictive trade policies.

2021 ◽  
Vol 58 (2) ◽  
pp. 219-233
Author(s):  
Valerie D’Erman

The European Union’s (EU) external trade policy has long been championed by scholars and practitioners alike as one of the great accomplishments for European integration. The UK’s exit from the EU in 2020 offers many precedents; one of which is the current negotiation of a trade deal between the EU and a former important member of the single market. This paper outlines the trade negotiation process between the EU and the UK and the resulting Trade and Cooperation Agreement (TCA) against the backdrop of the COVID-19 pandemic to forecast the broader potential evolution of EU trade policy. The increasing visibility of nationalist and protectionist statements in various instances of political communication suggests a major shift in multilateral norms away from the liberal-international emphasis on heightened trade and interdependence. The implications for the EU external trade policy are a re-direction of efforts toward internal single market cohesion, and a more cautious approach to future potential trade agreements.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-48
Author(s):  
David Eiser ◽  
Nicola McEwen ◽  
Graeme Roy

Abstract This paper examines the extent to which the UK’s three devolved governments have sought and achieved influence on the UK Government’s evolving post-Brexit international trade policy, distinguishing their influence at key stages of the trade policy cycle (mandate, negotiations and implementation). Despite carrying the legal responsibility to implement those aspects of trade deals that fall within areas of devolved competence, the devolved governments’ attempts to secure meaningful influence on the UK’s trade agreements have largely been frustrated. This reflects a lack of trust between the devolved and UK governments, weaknesses in the framework for and operation of intergovernmental relations, and a strong desire of the UK government to retain control centrally wherever possible. The resulting tensions have exacerbated devolved governments’ concerns over the authority of the devolved institutions post-Brexit.


2021 ◽  
pp. 126-165
Author(s):  
Kent Jones

This chapter uses a regression study to attempt to identify the link between populist governments and the country’s degree of trade openness, based on data from 1995 to 2018. The degree of protectionism associated with populism depends in part on its left-wing, right-wing, or anti-establishment orientation. Left-wing populist regimes tend to be more protectionist, and anti-establishment regimes more favorable to open trade, for example, but the results are often inconsistent and insignificant. Trade policy in populist regimes appears to depend in large part on the national context, export profile, and populist leader. A review of trade policy in several recent populist regimes reveals that Latin American populist governments tend to be the most protectionist. Smaller open economies, or those either participating in or seeking integration trade agreements with larger countries, tend to have more open trade policies.


Author(s):  
Jan Wouters ◽  
Michal Ovádek

This chapter explores the role of human rights in EU trade policy. Ever since the entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon in 2009, the EU has made the promotion of human rights an integral part of its trade relations with third countries. It has done so by requiring all external trade, cooperation, partnership, and association agreements, including unilateral preference regimes, to incorporate a variety of human rights commitments. After briefly sketching the general nexus between human rights and trade, the chapter outlines the gradual integration of human rights priorities into EU trade policy. It then provides a critical analysis of the various ways in which these commitments and strategic priorities have been operationalised through unilateral preference regimes as well as through regional and bilateral trade agreements, and includes an early assessment of the Union's use of sustainability impact assessments for trade negotiations. Finally, the chapter offers some critical remarks on the EU's promotion of human rights in trade.


2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (Fall 2021) ◽  
pp. 193-211
Author(s):  
Kaan Yiğenoğlu

This article scrutinizes relations between economic diplomacy and free trade agreements by focusing on the Turkey-UK free trade agreements which came into force in 2021. Accordingly, the article first introduces the concept of economic diplomacy, an important issue as it has been shown that bilateral trade agreements, nowadays preferred by many countries, can be used as a tool of economic diplomacy. The article then discusses the history and development of free trade agreements signed by Turkey, including its long-running experience of economic integration with the European Union. Although Turkey began establishing free trade agreements in the 1990s, it has been concentrating on and accelerating its use since 2000. Based on economic and political reasons underlying the free economic agreements, the reasons why Turkey and the UK have reached such an agreement are summarized. Economic relations between the two countries are then analyzed and the details of the agreement are investigated in the context of the changes that it provides.


2000 ◽  
Vol 54 (4) ◽  
pp. 825-844 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Karol

Scholars assert that divided government impedes the liberalization of U.S. trade policy. They claim that presidents favor freer trade and will use the negotiating authority Congress delegates to them to reach agreements lowering trade barriers. Since presidents gain more support from their congressional co-partisans, less liberalization ensues under divided government. This theory rests on the premise that party is unrelated to congressional trade policy preferences beyond legislators' tendencies to support their presidential co-partisans. Yet before 1970 congressional Democrats were relatively free trading regardless of the president's party affiliation. Since then, the same has been true of Republicans. Divided government facilitates the trade policies of presidents from the protectionist party since they win more support from their “opposition” in this area. Divided government does impede the efforts of presidents from the free-trading party to liberalize. I conclude that divided government has no consistent effect on trade policy outcomes.


2020 ◽  
Vol 49 (2) ◽  
pp. 229-248
Author(s):  
Tamson Pietsch

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to create comparable time series data on university income in Australia and the UK that might be used as a resource for those seeking to understand the changing funding profile of universities in the two countries and for those seeking to investigate how such data were produced and utilised.Design/methodology/approachA statistical analysis of university income from all sources in the UK and Australia.FindingsThe article produces a new time series for Australia and a comparable time series for the UK. It suggests some of the ways these data related to broader patterns of economic change, sketches the possibility of strategic influence, and outlines some of their limitations.Originality/valueThis is the first study to systematically create a time series on Australian university income across the twentieth century and present it alongside a comparable dataset for the UK.


2019 ◽  
Vol 109 (2) ◽  
pp. 325-352 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alan de Bromhead ◽  
Alan Fernihough ◽  
Markus Lampe ◽  
Kevin Hjortshøj O’Rourke

International trade collapsed, and also became much less multilateral, during the 1930s. Previous studies, looking at aggregate trade flows, have argued that trade policies had relatively little to do with either phenomenon. Using a new dataset incorporating highly disaggregated information on the United Kingdom’s imports and trade policies, we find that while conventional wisdom is correct regarding the impact of trade policy on the total value of British imports, discriminatory trade policies can explain the majority of Britain’s shift toward Imperial imports in the 1930s. (JEL F13, F14, F54, N74)


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