scholarly journals The Trade Policies of Brexit Britain: the Influence of and Impacts on the Devolved Nations

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-48
Author(s):  
David Eiser ◽  
Nicola McEwen ◽  
Graeme Roy

Abstract This paper examines the extent to which the UK’s three devolved governments have sought and achieved influence on the UK Government’s evolving post-Brexit international trade policy, distinguishing their influence at key stages of the trade policy cycle (mandate, negotiations and implementation). Despite carrying the legal responsibility to implement those aspects of trade deals that fall within areas of devolved competence, the devolved governments’ attempts to secure meaningful influence on the UK’s trade agreements have largely been frustrated. This reflects a lack of trust between the devolved and UK governments, weaknesses in the framework for and operation of intergovernmental relations, and a strong desire of the UK government to retain control centrally wherever possible. The resulting tensions have exacerbated devolved governments’ concerns over the authority of the devolved institutions post-Brexit.

2011 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-63 ◽  
Author(s):  
Neelesh Gounder ◽  
Biman Chand Prasad

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to explore the two issues of regional trade agreements (RTAs) and the new theory of international trade and draw conclusions for Pacific Island countries (PICs). The authors provide a deeper conceptual treatment of the consequences of RTAs and analyse the new theory of international trade to explore its implications for trade policy in PICs.Design/methodology/approachWith regard to RTAs, the argument is developed in the context of the conjecture that questions the benefits from adopting more open trade policies with neighbours while maintaining restrictive policies towards the rest of the world. The authors draw on international and regional analytical literature and on recent modelling work to review critically the possible gains and losses of RTAs for PICs. In the latter issue, the focus is on the roles of imperfect competition and scale economies and their relevance to PICs.FindingsFreeing up trade gradually and unilaterally and realizing the benefits of comparative advantage remains the best way to maximise welfare. PICs could be worse off under a complex system of overlapping RTAs and existence of RTAs by Australia and New Zealand outside the region has the possibility of marginalizing weak PICs economies.Practical implicationsPICs are currently at a critical juncture in terms of trade policy making with various trade agreements being thrown in the region and this paper has the capacity to provide some answers to policy makers on the approach to take.Originality/valueThe paper offers insights into regional trade agreements and the new theory of trade.


2019 ◽  
Vol 109 (2) ◽  
pp. 325-352 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alan de Bromhead ◽  
Alan Fernihough ◽  
Markus Lampe ◽  
Kevin Hjortshøj O’Rourke

International trade collapsed, and also became much less multilateral, during the 1930s. Previous studies, looking at aggregate trade flows, have argued that trade policies had relatively little to do with either phenomenon. Using a new dataset incorporating highly disaggregated information on the United Kingdom’s imports and trade policies, we find that while conventional wisdom is correct regarding the impact of trade policy on the total value of British imports, discriminatory trade policies can explain the majority of Britain’s shift toward Imperial imports in the 1930s. (JEL F13, F14, F54, N74)


Author(s):  
V. N. Zuev ◽  
E. Ya. Ostrovskaya ◽  
V. Yu. Skryabina

The Regional Trade Agreements (RTA) as a legal format of trade between countries has been actively developed within the last decades. Russian involvement in RTAs until recently was modest. However, after the EAEU creation in 2015, trade policies of the member countries have changed. Setting up the RTAs has become an important priority of the EAEU’s common trade policy. In this study, the assessment is made of the significance for the Russian domestic policies of the already signed and planned FTAs. The focus of the methodology of the study lies in computations of three trade indices: export significance index (suggested by authors and based on the revealed comparative advantage index), trade intensity index and symmetric trade introversion index, which were calculated for the totality of trade partners of Russia for 2019 (193 countries) in order to identify the most promising countries to conclude new FTAs. Authors come to a conclusion that the already signed Russian RTAs and newly planned Russian common FTAs on behalf of the EAEU have a potential to generate trade. Another important result of the study is that it provides the list of the first-priority countries for the new-coming FTAs for Russia and the EAEU partners in terms of efficiency in generating trade, that are - Egypt, Turkey, Algeria, Republic of Korea and Mongolia. The authors suggest to make similar calculations for other countries to support the revealed pattern.


2017 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 477-508 ◽  
Author(s):  
SVETLANA YAKOVLEVA

AbstractThis article discusses ways in which the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS) and post-GATS free trade agreements may limit the EU's ability to regulate privacy and personal data protection as fundamental rights. After discussing this issue in two dimensions – the vertical relationship between trade and national and European Union (EU) law, and the horizontal relationship between trade and human rights law – the author concludes that these limits are real and pose serious risks.Inspired by recent developments in safeguarding labour, and environmental standards and sustainable development, the article argues that privacy and personal data protection should be part of, and protected by, international trade deals made by the EU. The EU should negotiate future international trade agreements with the objective of allowing them to reflect the normative foundations of privacy and personal data protection. This article suggests a specific way to achieve this objective.


2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-52 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip L. Martin

International migration involves the movement of people over national borders, while international trade deals with the production of goods or services in one country and their consumption in another. Economic theory assumes that migration and trade are substitutes, so that freer trade between countries with different wage levels should reduce voluntary migration as trade leads to convergence in wages. However, free-trade agreements can produce a migration hump as the pace of change accelerates and economies adjust, as migration increases before investment creates enough jobs to generate stay-at-home development despite remittances from migrants abroad. Efforts to deal with the root causes of migration must be aware of potential migration humps.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1593-1633
Author(s):  
José G. Vargas-Hernández

The aim of this present chapter is to analyze the Mexican implementation strategy of trade policy openness due to the globalization trend, urging the country to create a series of trade agreements and treaties on free movement of goods and regional integration, becoming the country with the network of the world's largest trade agreements, increasing its presence and Mexican companies in international markets. Similarly, a spatial analysis of the last five governmental periods, comprising 26 years of foreign trade policies and its impact on foreign investments, foreign trade and main multinationals in Mexico, are done forcing them to centering in competitive productive processes and improving their internal organization, innovation and development.


Subject UK and EU trade policy. Significance The United Kingdom’s departure from the EU will affect both the EU’s economic importance and its ability to realise trade objectives. The impact of the rupture will be greater still for the United Kingdom, which has to develop a trade policy from scratch and reconstruct its trading relationships with scores of countries in addition to the EU. Impacts Rules of origin mean that some UK firms will lose access to foreign markets even where London has concluded a replacement trade agreement. EU and UK demand for imports from the rest of the world will be reduced by the economic impact of Brexit and COVID-19 disruption. Replacing EU trade agreements with third countries will take longer for the UK government because COVID-19 will take priority.


2020 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 1367-1401 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Cipollina ◽  
Luca Salvatici

Abstract We capitalise on the latest development in the empirical structural gravity literature to examine the question of whether and how much the European Union (EU) agricultural tariffs affect agricultural imports. We capture both the protectionist and preferential nature of EU trade policies by measuring the effects of multilateral, bilateral and unilateral agreements on international trade relative to intra-EU trade. The computation of bilateral protection and preference margins is used to determine which countries/sectors are most negatively/positively affected. On average, EU agricultural tariffs have decreased international trade by 14 per cent. We also find that EU preferences have been effective in promoting trade by about 10 per cent.


2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 262-278
Author(s):  
Bruno Zeller ◽  
Camilla Baasch Andersen

This paper discusses the importance of smes in the context of Australia’s trade policy. The question is asked; is sufficient attention given to smes in the drafting of ftas or is the trade policy directed to “the big end of town?” This paper highlights the difficulties of enterprises in navigating through the multitude of trade agreements. One of the issues is that the documentation accessing ftas is not uniform. This causes compliance problem specifically in relation to rules of origin. As a corollary to the different documentary requirements the associated transaction costs are examined with the conclusion that Australia does not exploit its growth potential, as smes are not maximizing their contribution to international trade.


2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
May C. I. van Schalkwyk ◽  
Pepita Barlow ◽  
Gabriel Siles-Brügge ◽  
Holly Jarman ◽  
Tamara Hervey ◽  
...  

Abstract Background There is an extensive body of research demonstrating that trade and globalisation can have wide-ranging implications for health. Robust governance is key to ensuring that health, social justice and sustainability are key considerations within trade policy, and that health risks from trade are effectively mitigated and benefits are maximised. The UK’s departure from the EU provides a rare opportunity to examine a context where trade governance arrangements are being created anew, and to explore the consequences of governance choices and structures for health and social justice. Despite its importance to public health, there has been no systematic analysis of the implications of UK trade policy governance. We therefore conducted an analysis of the governance of the UK’s trade policy from a public health and social justice perspective. Results Several arrangements required for good governance appear to have been implemented – information provision, public consultation, accountability to Parliament, and strengthening of civil service capacity. However, our detailed analyses of these pillars of governance identified significant weaknesses in each of these areas. Conclusion The establishment of a new trade policy agenda calls for robust systems of governance. However, our analysis demonstrates that, despite decades of mounting evidence on the health and equity impacts of trade and the importance of strong systems of governance, the UK government has largely ignored this evidence and failed to galvanise the opportunity to include public health and equity considerations and strengthen democratic involvement in trade policy. This underscores the point that the evidence alone will not guarantee that health and justice are prioritised. Rather, we need strong systems of governance everywhere that can help seize the health benefits of international trade and minimise its detrimental impacts. A failure to strengthen governance risks poor policy design and implementation, with unintended and inequitable distribution of harms, and ‘on-paper’ commitments to health, social justice, and democracy unfulfilled in practice. Although the detailed findings relate to the situation in the UK, the issues raised are, we believe, of wider relevance for those with an interest of governing for health in the area of international trade.


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