Populism and Trade Around the World

2021 ◽  
pp. 126-165
Author(s):  
Kent Jones

This chapter uses a regression study to attempt to identify the link between populist governments and the country’s degree of trade openness, based on data from 1995 to 2018. The degree of protectionism associated with populism depends in part on its left-wing, right-wing, or anti-establishment orientation. Left-wing populist regimes tend to be more protectionist, and anti-establishment regimes more favorable to open trade, for example, but the results are often inconsistent and insignificant. Trade policy in populist regimes appears to depend in large part on the national context, export profile, and populist leader. A review of trade policy in several recent populist regimes reveals that Latin American populist governments tend to be the most protectionist. Smaller open economies, or those either participating in or seeking integration trade agreements with larger countries, tend to have more open trade policies.

Author(s):  
Rafael Salvador Espinosa Ramirez

The processes of economic integration in Latin American economies have logic that goes beyond the simple interest of trade creation. The governments focus on the benefit produced by Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) as one of the most important reasons to formalize trade agreements. FDI differs in the way in which this investment relates with the local producer sector and the strategy trade policy followed by local governments. In this sense Latin American economies may receive horizontal or vertical FDI, and this chapter aims to examine the impact of strategic trade policies on the inflows of FDI into two Latin American regions: North Region and South Region. These investment flows come from three economic zones: Asia, America, and European Union. To this end, the gravity equation to compare the weight of variables such as distance, infrastructure, trade openness, and cultural affinity as independent variables and FDI as the dependent variable is estimated. The results obtained show that the strategy trade policy followed in the North Region in the form of trade liberalization, and the strategy trade policy followed in the South Region in the form of a relative closeness with the custom union plus the proposed trade agreements with other regions encouraged inflows of FDI in both regions during the analyzed period. While the gravity hypothesis holds on the South Region, in the North Region it does not hold. In the North Region, vertical FDI is received, and in the South Region it is horizontal FDI.


2016 ◽  
pp. 267-287 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rafael Salvador Espinosa Ramirez

The processes of economic integration in Latin American economies have logic that goes beyond the simple interest of trade creation. The governments focus on the benefit produced by Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) as one of the most important reasons to formalize trade agreements. FDI differs in the way in which this investment relates with the local producer sector and the strategy trade policy followed by local governments. In this sense Latin American economies may receive horizontal or vertical FDI, and this chapter aims to examine the impact of strategic trade policies on the inflows of FDI into two Latin American regions: North Region and South Region. These investment flows come from three economic zones: Asia, America, and European Union. To this end, the gravity equation to compare the weight of variables such as distance, infrastructure, trade openness, and cultural affinity as independent variables and FDI as the dependent variable is estimated. The results obtained show that the strategy trade policy followed in the North Region in the form of trade liberalization, and the strategy trade policy followed in the South Region in the form of a relative closeness with the custom union plus the proposed trade agreements with other regions encouraged inflows of FDI in both regions during the analyzed period. While the gravity hypothesis holds on the South Region, in the North Region it does not hold. In the North Region, vertical FDI is received, and in the South Region it is horizontal FDI.


2017 ◽  
Vol 66 (3) ◽  
pp. 560-576 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeroen van der Waal ◽  
Willem de Koster

Leftist and rightist populist parties in Western Europe both oppose trade openness. Is support for economic protectionism also relevant for their electorates? We assess this in the Netherlands, where both types of populist parties have seats in parliament. Analyses of representative survey data ( n = 1,296) demonstrate that support for protectionism drives voting for such parties, as do the well-established determinants of political distrust (both populist constituencies), economic egalitarianism (leftist populist constituency) and ethnocentrism (rightist populist constituency). Surprisingly, support for protectionism does not mediate the relationship between economic egalitarianism and voting for left-wing populists, or the link between political distrust and voting for either left-wing or right-wing populist parties. In contrast, support for protectionism partly mediates the association between ethnocentrism and voting for right-wing populists. We discuss the largely independent role of protectionism in populist voting in relation to the cultural cleavage in politics and electoral competition, and also provide suggestions for future research.


Author(s):  
Ricardo Vega

This paper examines the reasons why Japan has been building a foreign trade policy based on a hub-and-spokes system. It will be argued that trade efficiency and exports promotion are assumptions that need a broader reconsideration through a geo-economics approach. What defines Japan’s pursuit of several bilateral trade agreements is assuring its relative economic hegemony whilst changes in the world balance of power are taking place. As Japan faces an uncertain and unforeseeable future, it needs to strengthen its trade policy to guarantee access to international markets. Japan’s trade policy goes beyond the efficiency scope and it entails a geo-economics elucidation.


Author(s):  
V. N. Zuev ◽  
E. Ya. Ostrovskaya ◽  
V. Yu. Skryabina

The Regional Trade Agreements (RTA) as a legal format of trade between countries has been actively developed within the last decades. Russian involvement in RTAs until recently was modest. However, after the EAEU creation in 2015, trade policies of the member countries have changed. Setting up the RTAs has become an important priority of the EAEU’s common trade policy. In this study, the assessment is made of the significance for the Russian domestic policies of the already signed and planned FTAs. The focus of the methodology of the study lies in computations of three trade indices: export significance index (suggested by authors and based on the revealed comparative advantage index), trade intensity index and symmetric trade introversion index, which were calculated for the totality of trade partners of Russia for 2019 (193 countries) in order to identify the most promising countries to conclude new FTAs. Authors come to a conclusion that the already signed Russian RTAs and newly planned Russian common FTAs on behalf of the EAEU have a potential to generate trade. Another important result of the study is that it provides the list of the first-priority countries for the new-coming FTAs for Russia and the EAEU partners in terms of efficiency in generating trade, that are - Egypt, Turkey, Algeria, Republic of Korea and Mongolia. The authors suggest to make similar calculations for other countries to support the revealed pattern.


AJIL Unbound ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 113 ◽  
pp. 375-379 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jorge Contesse

In 2009, as the American Convention on Human Rights turned forty, Left-wing governments ruled in almost all Latin American countries. The democratization wave that began in the late 1980s had produced a seemingly hegemonic turn to the Left—the so-called “Pink Tide.” A decade later, the political landscape was radically different. With only a few exceptions, Right-wing governments are in power throughout Latin America. The implications of the conservative wave have been felt in a number of areas—including human rights. This essay explores the ways in which the new conservative governments of Latin American have tried to curb the inter-American human rights system and examines the potential long-term consequences that their efforts may have on the regional system and the protection of human rights. It then suggests possible avenues for sound engagement between states and the system, observing that the Inter-American Court's expansive case law may cause more harm in the long run.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (3) ◽  
pp. 5-19
Author(s):  
Tamara Ostashko ◽  
◽  
Iryna Kobuta ◽  
◽  

The article analyzes the trends of world trade and features of trade policies across the world during the period of economic restrictions imposed to prevent the spread of COVID-19. It also analyzes the development of Ukraine’s foreign trade and trade policy measures, which are applied by the government in the pandemic. Based on the identification of challenges and opportunities for the development of this country’s foreign trade during this pandemic and the analysis of forecasts and recommendations of international organizations, the authors substantiate proposals on the directions of Ukraine’s trade policy with an emphasis on the agri-food market A comparison of world trade developments in 2020 and 2021 forecasted by international organizations is made in the article. In the first half of 2020, the world trade development was closer toward the optimistic scenario of the World Trade Organization (WTO) and the World Bank scenario, but the expected second wave of the pandemic may return the world trade trend to the WTO pessimistic scenario, where the world trade could be reduced by 31,9% in 2020. The development of Ukraine's foreign trade also shows a trend close toward the more optimistic scenarios of international organizations - in the first half of 2020 the country’s foreign trade volume only decreased by 10.6% compared to the first half of 2019. In the article, the main channels of the COVID-19 impact on the world trade are indicated, namely: reduction of the production of goods and services due to restrictions on economic activity imposed by countries, disruption of global value chains, rising commercial costs, sharp decline in services, and price decrease of goods with low degree of processing. As in the rest of the world, the negative effects of the COVID-19 pandemic in Ukraine are largely mitigated by the spread of digital technologies in trade, and conversely, the pandemic stimulates their development. Already in the second quarter of 2020, Ukraine’s exports of ICT services resumed growth and exceeded the pre-crisis level of the fourth quarter of 2019. The authors identify advantages and issues of accelerated digitalization of trade in the pandemic. The protection measures introduced by countries, including Ukraine, after the spread of coronavirus, are analyzed, with an emphasis on policy measures related to agri-food trade. It is proved that the limit of wheat exports during the pandemic is the result of annual memorandum of grain market players, so it cannot be considered a policy measure restricting trade. It was also proved that the ban on the export of buckwheat introduced by the Ukrainian government, which expired on July 1, 2020, had of a rather political nature, since the supply of buckwheat on the domestic market and the level of consumer prices for this product were guaranteed by import deliveries. This conclusion applies to other goods of significant social importance, whose imports increased significantly during the pandemic, especially for products of animal origin. The directions of the formation of Ukraine’s trade policy in the conditions of world trade changes and trade policies revision are determined. The spread of the trend towards country self-sufficiency in food will lead to a reduction in food chains, a decrease in import dependence, an increase in state support and, as a result, a strengthening of competitive position of domestic producers. Therefore, full and timely financing of state budgetary programs to support agriculture in Ukraine is of particular importance. In order to strengthen the competitiveness of small and medium-sized agricultural producers in the context of the accelerated digitalization of trade as a result of the pandemic, it is necessary to rapidly develop the infrastructure that provides rural areas with high-speed fixed broadband Internet access. Along with the spread of protectionism in world trade, there is an opposite trend of liberalization of agri-food markets, typical for food-importing countries. Thus, the countries-exporters of agri-food products, which include Ukraine, will have easier access to the markets of these countries, new markets will open, and the situation on export markets will improve.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1593-1633
Author(s):  
José G. Vargas-Hernández

The aim of this present chapter is to analyze the Mexican implementation strategy of trade policy openness due to the globalization trend, urging the country to create a series of trade agreements and treaties on free movement of goods and regional integration, becoming the country with the network of the world's largest trade agreements, increasing its presence and Mexican companies in international markets. Similarly, a spatial analysis of the last five governmental periods, comprising 26 years of foreign trade policies and its impact on foreign investments, foreign trade and main multinationals in Mexico, are done forcing them to centering in competitive productive processes and improving their internal organization, innovation and development.


Author(s):  
D. Lanko ◽  
◽  
I. Lantsova ◽  

The article discusses the Republic of Korea’s role in multiple already working and being negotiated free trade agreements from the viewpoints of the influence of Korea’s domestic affairs on the role and of the political and economic change among its partners in the free trade agreements. It finds that Korea’s position on the free trade agreements remained stable despite the shift to the domination of right-wing parties in Korea’s domestic politics in 2008 and back to domination of left-wing parties in 2017. Both left- and right-wing parties in Korea supported the free trade agreements, despite their rationale was different: in 2000s left-wing parties perceived the free trade agreements to curb negative consequences of the 1990s Asia’s financial crisis, while in 2010s right-wing parties perceived them as a response to the failure of multilateral trade negotiations within the World Trade Organization. It also finds that Korea’s partners in the free trade agreements sometimes seek to re-negotiate the already existing free trade agreements in response to domestic political and economic changes in those countries. In most cases, Korea and its partners managed to find common grounds at re-negotiations and thus to conclude renewed bilateral and multilateral free trade agreements. At the same time, Korea, China, and Japan have so far failed to conclude a trilateral free trade agreement, thus leaving the ASEAN in the position of the exemplary group of countries in the core of the network of Asia’s free trade agreements.


2020 ◽  
pp. 218-224
Author(s):  
LELA JAMAGIDZE

The present paper discusses several new trends in the global trade such as digitalization of trade, regional trade agreements and the emergence of new global players. Based on theoretical research and the study of the available secondary statistical data it analyzes how trade policy can address these changes under the existing world trading system. Trade rules underlying the traditional trading system are still applicable under increasing digital trade and enhanced bilateral and regional trade integration. However, WTO Agreement has nothing to do with those barriers of trade that go beyond traditional trade measures and are very acute for the developing countries. They involve access to the Internet and other telecommunication infrastructure, weak formal institutions and legal protection, lack of awareness about the potential benefits and opportunities in digital trade and lack of IT literacy. In order to overcome these barriers developing countries should incorporate trade policy as a component of deep economic reforms. The pace of development of the multilateral trading rules is slower than required by increasingly flexible business models. Therefore, countries try to find solutions at the bilateral and plurilateral levels. For instance, the EU develops regulations under Digital Single Market as well as within its bilateral trade agreements with non-member states. Georgia is implementing digital economy regulations in accordance to its DCFTA with the EU. Access to information and communication technologies is essential to be engaged in digital trade. For developing countries investments in digital infrastructure is an important policy issue, while developed countries are more focused on balanced trade rules, which ensure the development of digital trade, on the one hand and security and data protection, on the other. Contemporary trade policy goes beyond regulation based on classical trade instruments. It encompasses regulation within regional trade and investment agreements, technical standards and other behind-the-border measures, regulation of services and intellectual property markets and support for sustainable development goals, etc. A large part of the contemporary regional trade agreements covers all these areas. Development of bilateral and regional cooperation by encouraging deep integration can be discussed as an effort to overcome inflexibilities of the multilateral system. Regional integration enables countries to develop selective approach towards their trade partners and maintain certain degree of autonomy by applying different trade rules towards different partners. Elimination of behind the border barriers and enhanced regulatory harmonization leads to reduced trade costs but it also leads to race to the bottom in regulatory facilitation, what might be detrimental to the national policy goals. The effects of deep economic integration cannot be assessed based on the traditional approach of trade creation and trade diversion, because integration as an institutional process affects not only trade flows but also economic and institutional development levels of the countries. Deep regional integration reduces institutional differences within regions and increases them across regions. Besides it, the increasing role of BRICs countries in international trade leads to greater diversity of actors in the world market. New global players ask for greater voice in the process of reforming trade rules. Therefore, global trade rules should reflect the diversity that comes from changes in the patterns as well as the main players of the world market


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