A Conceptual Framework to Map Responses to Hate Crime, Hate Incidents and Hate Speech: The Case of Australia

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-18
Author(s):  
Matteo Vergani ◽  
Rouven Link

Responses to hate crimes, hate incidents and hate speech are characterised by an exceptional fragmentation in terminology and lack of coordination among governmental and non-governmental organisations. This article proposes a new conceptual framework to map the diversity of responses to hate crime, hate incidents and hate speech, with the aim of assessing gaps and needs in this important policy area. Using Australia as a case study, we create and analyse a database of 222 organisations running activities focusing on tackling hate against different target groups. The results highlight an uneven distribution of efforts across different geographical areas, types of activities and target groups. The majority of anti-hate efforts, especially by government organisations, focus on awareness raising and education rather than victim support and data collection. Racial and religious hate are the main foci of anti-hate efforts, compared to other forms of hate, such as anti-LGBTIQ+ and disablist hate.

Social Forces ◽  
2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laura Jacobs ◽  
Joost van Spanje

Abstract Nowadays, registered hate crimes are on the rise in many Western societies. What explains temporal variation in the incidence of hate crimes? Combining insights from the grievance model and the opportunity model, we study the role of three types of contextual factors: security (terrorism), media (news about terrorism and immigration), and political factors (speech by anti-immigration actors, hate speech prosecution, and high-profile anti-immigration victories). We apply time-series analysis to our original dataset of registered hate crimes in the Netherlands, 2015–2017 (N = 7,219). Findings indicate that terrorist attacks, (both print and online) news on refugees, immigration, and terrorism boost nonviolent hate crime. Similarly, news of the hate speech prosecution of Freedom Party leader Geert Wilders increases nonviolent crime as well. Tentative evidence points to a contagion effect of speech by anti-immigration actors. With regard to violent hate crime, only terrorist attacks had an effect. This effect was modest and only found in one of our models. Hence, the grievance and the opportunities model each partially explain nonviolent hate crime, although the security and media context seem most influential. Our findings help to identify the contextual factors contributing to a climate for hate and suggest that perceived threats play a key role.


2017 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 1-3
Author(s):  
James Pickles

A research project was conducted which explored LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender) hate crime. Participants were invited to share their narratives and personal experiences of hate crime, discrimination and violence through semi-structured interviews. The study helped us understand how people who experience ‘hate’ responded to, managed and reconciled the identities for which they were victimized. This case study focuses on a situation where a research participant requested a copy of an interview they gave for the hate crime project. The interview copy was to be used for the participant’s own personal purposes. The participant’s request potentially risked the contamination of ethical (overt) data collection, with their own covert data gathering. The ethical implications of this scenario raise many questions for ethicists and researchers to discuss.


2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrick S. Forscher ◽  
William Taylor Laimaka Cox ◽  
Nicholas Graetz ◽  
Patricia G. Devine

Contemporary prejudice research focuses primarily on people who are motivated to respond without prejudice and the ways in which unintentional bias can cause these people to act inconsistent with this motivation. However, some real-world phenomena (e.g., hate speech, hate crimes) and experimental findings (e.g., Plant & Devine, 2001; 2009) suggest that some expressions of prejudice are intentional. These phenomena and findings are difficult to explain solely from the motivations to respond without prejudice. We argue that some people are motivated to express prejudice, and we develop the motivation to express prejudice (MP) scale to measure this motivation. In seven studies involving more than 6,000 participants, we demonstrate that, across scale versions targeted at Black people and gay men, the MP scale has good reliability and convergent, discriminant, and predictive validity. In normative climates that prohibit prejudice, the internal and external motivations to express prejudice are functionally non-independent, but they become more independent when normative climates permit more prejudice toward a target group. People high in the motivation to express prejudice are relatively likely to resist pressure to support programs promoting intergroup contact and vote for political candidates who support oppressive policies. The motivation to express prejudice predicted these outcomes even when controlling for attitudes and the motivations to respond without prejudice. This work encourages contemporary prejudice researchers to broaden the range of samples, target groups, and phenomena that they study, and more generally to consider the intentional aspects of negative intergroup behavior.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-19 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andras L. Pap

Abstract Using Hungary as a case study and focusing on legislative policies and the practical application of hate crime legislation, this article shows the various ways legal policy can become misguided in the labyrinth of identity politics, minority protection, and penal populism. The first mistake states can make, the author argues, is not to adopt hate crime legislation. The second error arguably pertains to conceptualizing hate crimes as an identity protection but not a minority-protection mechanism and instrument. The third fallacy the author identifies concerns legislative and practical policies that conceptualize victims based on self-identification and not on the perpetrator’s (or the wider community’s) potential perception and classification. The fourth flaw concerns the abuse of the concept of hate crime when it is applied in interethnic conflicts wherein members of minority communities are perpetrators and the victims are members of the majority communities. The fifth is institutional discrimination through the systematic underpolicing of hate crimes.


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Chuka Fred Ononye ◽  
Nkechinyere Juliana Nwachukwu

Hate-inducing language, which has become a recurrent decimal in Nigerian socio-political discourse, is not unconnected to the deep-seated boundaries existing amongst different ethnic groups in Nigeria. Linguistic studies on hate language in Nigeria have largely utilised pragmatic and critical discourse analytical tools in identifying the illocutions and ideologies involved but hardly paid attention to the metalinguistic forms deployed in hate speeches. Therefore, the present study, aside adding to the research line of the Natural Semantic Metalanguage (NSM)—which has unduly focused on language typology, explores the metalinguistic evaluators that index hate speech in Nigeria, and relate them to specific pragmatic strategies through which hate speech producers’ intentions are communicated. To achieve this, three full manuscripts of hate speech made by three groups (i.e. Arewa Youth Consultative Forum, Youths of Oduduwa Republic, and Biafra Nation Youth League) from three (northern, western, and eastern, respectively) regions of Nigeria are purposively sampled from Google directories and Radio Biafra archives, subjected to descriptive and quantitative analysis, with insights from the NSM theory and aspects of pragmatic acts. Two categories of metalinguistic evaluators were identified, positive (GOOD) and negative (BAD) evaluators; and these are associated with three pragmatic strategies; namely, blunt condemnation, unshielded exposition, and appeal to emotion. While the condemning and exposing strategies largely utilise negative evaluators in initiating hate on target groups, the emotion-drawing strategy largely employs positive evaluators in boosting the image of the hate-speech producing group in the eyes of the audience. With these findings, the study takes existing scholarship on violence-inducing language a step forward, especially in providing a pragmatic explanation to the proliferation of hate crimes in Nigeria. It also offers a holistic linguistic database and critical meta-language for the teaching of hate-related language and crime, especially in second-language situations.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 304-330
Author(s):  
Anne-Mai Flyvholm

Abstract This article examines how Danish Muslim organisations ascribe meaning to hate crimes against Muslims in Denmark. The study is a maximum variation case study of three Muslim organisations. Drawing on intersectional theory, organisations were included that vary on identity markers. While there are great similarities in how the organisations define hate crime, the article argues that they articulate the concept as part of very different socio-political contexts. This suggests that while the organisations in general agree on what hate crime is, the organisations’ intersectional identities affect which socio-political contexts they articulate as relevant in relation to hate crime.


Temida ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 3-26
Author(s):  
Mirjana Dokmanovic

The Republic of Serbia has introduced special circumstances for the determination of sentence for hate crime in the Criminal Code amended in December 2012. If a criminal offence is committed through hate based on race or religion, national or ethnic affiliation, sex, sexual orientation or gender identity of another, the court shall consider any aggravating factors except when it is not stipulated as a feature of the criminal offence. However, the State still neglects to consider mitigating factors. Moreover, it does not pay sufficient attention to eliminating verbal expressions of hatred and discrimination that often precede crimes motivated by hate. The paper discusses the possibility of improving education and coordinated activities of the State, particularly of courts, prosecutors, police and local self-governments, to combat hate speech and hate crimes. The aim of the paper is to present mechanisms of improving institutional capacities to prevent these phenomena that have been implemented within the project ?Implementation of Anti-Discrimination Policies in Serbia? financed by the European Union. The paper concludes that central to the success of this process are the education of state actors, and the development of a value system based on equality and acceptance of diversity.


Author(s):  
Kamban Naidoo

Hate crimes are crimes that are motivated by personal prejudice or bias. Hate-crime laws criminalise such conduct and allow for the imposition of aggravated penalties on convicted perpetrators. This article examines the historical, social and political factors which influenced the shaping and enactment of the first British hate-crime law. The South African context is also considered since the Department of Justice has recently released the Prevention and Combatting of Hate Crimes and Hate Speech Bill for public commentary and input.While Britain has had a long historical record of criminal conduct that was motivated by the race and the ethnicity of victims, it was only in the twentieth century that civil society first drew attention to the problem of violent racist crimes. Nevertheless, successive British governments denied the problem of racist crimes and refused to consider the enactment of a hate-crime law. Following a high-profile racist murder and a governmental inquiry, a British Labour Party-led government eventually honoured its pre-election commitment and passed a hate-crime law in 1998.Some parallels are apparent between the British and the South African contexts. South Africa also has a long historical record of racially motivated hate crimes. Moreover, in the post-apartheid era there have been numerous reports of racist hate crimes and hate crimes against Black lesbian women and Black foreigners. Despite several appeals from the academic and non-governmental sectors for the enactment of a hate-crime law, and the circulation for public commentary of the Prevention and Combating of Hate Crimes and Hate Speech Bill, such a law has hitherto not been enacted in South Africa. This article posits that the enactment of a hate-crime law is a constitutional imperative in South Africa in terms of the right to equality and the right to freedom and security of the person. While the enactment of a hate-crime law in South Africa is recommended, it is conceded that enacting a hate-crime law will not eradicate criminal conduct motivated by prejudice and bias.


2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 21-37
Author(s):  
Jelena Jokanovic

This article provides an overview of the Republic of Serbia’s legal framework that incorporates strong guarantees for protection from discrimination, national minorities’ rights, and prosecution of (ethnic) hate crimes, but also describes a social context loaded with strong prejudices. To illustrate the above, I present a case study of two similar incidents of alleged hate crimes reported in a local Serbian newspaper. In both cases, the victims were young men belonging to ethnic minorities. In 2015, within a period of two months, a Serb was attacked in the Croatian capital, Zagreb, and an Albanian-speaking man in the Serbian town, Novi Sad. The articles attracted online comments, 205 and 134 respectively, mostly from readers from Serbia. These comments elicited what are likely to be honest responses because of the relative anonymity provided to authors. By analyzing commentaries on these newspaper items, this article compares social responses to hate crime cases where victims belonged to different ethnic groups and where the incidents occurred in different geographic and social contexts.


Author(s):  
Maria Mpasdeki ◽  
Zafeiris Tsiftzis

Internet and social media became a significant weapon to disseminate and share information around the globe. These digital tools are also being misused for hate-crime activities. Hate crimes are criminal offences motivated by prejudice and committed against someone's identity. Women, children, disabled people, and refugees are often being targeted because of their different characteristics. A type of hate crime can also be online hate speech, or “cyberhate.” A quite recent research revealed that men can also be considered as victims of cyberhate. In particular, an Australian survey demonstrated that 54% of the victims of online abuse were men. The survey also pointed out that men were often subjected to abuse and insults, trolling, and malicious gossip and/or rumours. The present contribution reviews the notion of “misandry” and how it is expressed in the digital world and emphasises the need for protective measures not only for women but also for men.


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