Universities and Political Protest in Africa: The Case of Côte D’Ivoire

1996 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-60 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cyril Kofie Daddieh

The remarkable yet untold story of the straggles to democratize African political systems is that they owe much of their recent success to the pivotal role played by university student groups and faculty associations as animateurs of protest demonstrations, debates about issues deemed taboo by the state, and as organizers of militant campus movements. At a time when most associational groups were banned or rendered politically impotent by being incorporated into existing state structures in order for them to serve state interests, secondary and university student groups and faculties remained virtually the only sources of pressure and protest against authoritarian regimes on the continent. Thus, from Dakar to Nairobi, from Addis Ababa to Harare, student movements and demonstrations, fought pitched battles with state security personnel and stimulated civilian opposition movements.

1996 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-60
Author(s):  
Cyril Kofie Daddieh

The remarkable yet untold story of the straggles to democratize African political systems is that they owe much of their recent success to the pivotal role played by university student groups and faculty associations as animateurs of protest demonstrations, debates about issues deemed taboo by the state, and as organizers of militant campus movements. At a time when most associational groups were banned or rendered politically impotent by being incorporated into existing state structures in order for them to serve state interests, secondary and university student groups and faculties remained virtually the only sources of pressure and protest against authoritarian regimes on the continent. Thus, from Dakar to Nairobi, from Addis Ababa to Harare, student movements and demonstrations, fought pitched battles with state security personnel and stimulated civilian opposition movements.


2020 ◽  
pp. 100-169
Author(s):  
Kevin Riehle

The third group broke with the Soviet system during World War II and immediately thereafter. In the months after Operation Barbarossa began on 22 June 1941, German forces penetrated deep into Soviet territory, and it is likely that thousands of Soviet intelligence and state security personnel fell into German captivity during that time. Consequently, Germany was the clear intelligence priority early in the war. Of the 32 officers in this group, 18 were captured on the battlefield between 1941 and 1943, most of which defected once they were in captivity. However, Soviet intelligence widened its targeting beyond Germany to its wartime allies even before the war ended. A few others were abroad under diplomatic cover and approached a foreign power requesting asylum. This group extends beyond the formal end of World War II into 1946, because the environment for defectors did not change immediately after the war.


Significance Introduction of the new Airbus symbolises Ethiopian's recent success, with the state-owned carrier expanding operations while its continental rivals struggle to compete. An expansion to Bole International Airport in Addis Ababa and global routes similarly signal growth ahead. Impacts Continued success may create demands to raise wages and create labour disputes. Expansion of air cargo capacity will support Ethiopia's light manufacturing sector and trade. Regional competition for flights will depend in part on growth of domestic demand and the size of the middle class.


Author(s):  
Dr. Oscar Daniel Moreno Arizmendi

El análisis de los movimientos estudiantiles permitió, por mucho tiempo, entender la vida escolar de las universidades. Los primeros estudios que se llevaron a cabo dentro del sistema de educación superior fueron a través de la documentación de los movimientos estudiantiles que se gestaron en su interior. Sin embargo, en un momento determinado estos movimientos estudiantiles salieron de los pasillos universitarios y se insertaron en la sociedad. La finalidad fue concreta: lograr un cambio radical dentro del sistema político mexicano. Así pues, cualquier movimiento social era aprovechado por dichos grupos estudiantiles y fueron tomados como propios para aplicar su ideología del cambio desde abajo. Tal es el caso de un movimiento estudiantil que durante tres meses, que van de marzo a junio, se dedicaron a apoyar y a gestar la organización social de un grupo de paracaidistas que, con la esperanza de poseer un pedazo de tierra donde instalarse, retaron a todas las fuerzas del gobierno durante 1973: fue la experiencia de la formación de la Colonia Rubén Jaramillo en el municipio de Temixco en el estado de Morelos. Presentamos aquí el tipo de representaciones que hubo en dicho movimiento. Cómo fueron vistos los jóvenes estudiantes por parte de campesinos y trabajadores obreros y como aquéllos participaron, de manera libre y democrática, en la fundación de la misma.AbstractDuring a long period of time, the analysis of student movements allowed to understand the academic life of universities. The first studies that took place in the universities were focussed on documenting and reasoning the student movements that rose within. However, at a certain moment these student movements came out of the university and were inserted inside society. The purpose was concrete: to achieve a radical change in the Mexican political system. Thus, any social movement was used by the above mentioned student groups and was taken to implement its own ideology of change from the bottom up. Such it is the case of a student movement that for three months -from March to June- devoted themselves to support and to prepare the social organization of a group of “paratroopers” that, with hoping to possess a piece of land where to establish themselves, challenged all the forces of the government during 1973. It was the experience of the formation of the suburb Rubén Jaramillo in Temixco in the state of Morelos. This work exposes the type of representation that arose in the above mentioned movement how young students were seen by rural and urban workers and how the students took part freely and democratically in the foundation of this suburb. Recibido: 7 de septiembre de 2010 Aceptado: 11 de noviembre de 2010


2020 ◽  
Vol 118 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rebecca Elizabeth Dolhinow

Student activism, just like any social movement, cycles through times of great excitment and visibility and times of near invisibility. The early 21st Century has been filled with new social movements in communities across the world and on campuses as well. These new student movements take up bold ideas and actions but from a different positionality than those before. In this paper, I explore the nature of new student movements in California through an ongoing ethnographic research project. In particular, this paper focuses on how student groups are using their identities and material experiences to draw on positionality in their work for justice. By positioning themselves outside of traditional student organizational relationships with universities, these student activists come from a position of greater freedom. But at what cost?


2008 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 195-209 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nigar G. Khawaja ◽  
Krystle Duncanson

AbstractDepression is a problem in the student population and may impact students of any age, gender and ethnicity. Previous studies have indicated student demographic characteristics are associated with depression; however, these studies have not utilised scales specifically designed to measure depression in the student population. The aim of the present study was to use the recently developed University Student Depression Inventory (USDI; Khawaja & Bryden, 2006) to examine the effect of demographic factors on student depression. Australian university students (N = 287) completed the USDI and a demographic form that measured student age, gender, ethnicity, year-level, faculty, enrolment status, relationship status, employment-status, satisfaction with their financial position and accommodation. A series of t tests and one-way ANOVAs indicated depression was higher among females, students enrolled part-time, students working full-time, and those enrolled in the Faculty of Law. Students who were satisfied with their financial position and accommodation were significantly less depressed than those who were unsatisfied. The findings highlight the varying effect of different demographic factors on depression using the USDI. These findings are important for identifying and developing strategies to assist those student groups who may be at a greater risk of developing depression.


2012 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 167-196 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barbara Stelzl-Marx

Using recently declassified sources from Russian archives, this article discusses the status of the Soviet-controlled eastern zone of Austria during the postwar occupation (1945–1955) as a principal spying ground in Central Europe. The Western occupation powers hired many Austrians to gather information on the deployments of the Soviet Army and the Soviet authorities' exploitation of the “German assets” they had seized at war's end. The Austrians' principal incentive to spy was financial; they were well paid by their Western handlers. Austrian women had love affairs with Soviet soldiers and officers and then served as double agents for the West until the Soviet counterintelligence services caught up with them. From 1947 onward, some 500 Austrians disappeared after being detained by Soviet state security personnel and accused of spying. More than 100 of these Austrians were sentenced to death by Soviet Military Tribunal No. 28990 in Baden from 1950 until Iosif Stalin's death in March 1953, and they were then executed in Moscow. In retrospect the mismatch between the actions of these Austrian “spies” and the penalties meted out to them is striking. The Soviet penal system was exported to occupied areas during the Cold War in intelligence “games” against the West, with tragic consequences for “Stalin's last victims.”


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