Enhancing Political Representation Through the European Economic Constitution? Regressive Politics of Democratic Inclusion

2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 194-219
Author(s):  
Jussi Jaakkola

Interrelation between economic and political dimensions of constitutionalism – European market integration and erosion of democratic representation within Member States of the EU – Regulatory externalities between national democracies – European market citizenship and its ramifications for democratically legitimate exercise of the power to tax – Underinclusiveness of domestic democratic process – Political representation beyond the state – European economic constitution as a source of political empowerment and the EU economic freedoms as political rights – The European Court of Justice as a protector of representation – Reinforcing political participation through regulatory competition – European market freedoms enhance representation but at the expense of political equality – Economic freedoms as insufficient means of political empowerment – Improving democratic representation and equality beyond the state requires properly political citizenship instead of mere market rights

Author(s):  
Bartl Marija

The Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) may not bear fruit in its current incarnation, but it certainly teaches us crucial lessons regarding the institutional dynamics of market integration beyond the state. I argue that the TTIP’s so-called ‘regulatory cooperation’, in principle a mere mechanism for ‘discussion’ and ‘exchange’ between regulators, would have had a profound impact on the regulatory culture across the Atlantic. I make this argument in three interrelated steps. First, building on insights from constitutional law and political science, I outline an analytical framework for the study of rule-making institutions beyond the state. Second, I analyse the TTIP through the lens of this framework, illustrating the mechanisms through which its model for regulatory cooperation could reform the regulatory culture in the EU. Third, I argue that this change in the EU regulatory culture would have been neither an accident, nor a result of a US-led hegemonic project. Instead, the TTIP’s regulatory cooperation is a part of the EU’s internal political struggle, intended ultimately to re-balance not only powers between the legislative and the executive in the EU, but also within the EU’s executive branch itself.


Author(s):  
Robert Schütze

The creation of a common market was (and is) a central task of the European Economic Community and today the European Union. The 1957 EEC Treaty thereby offered a variety of legal instruments to unite the different national markets into a ‘common’ European market. Originally, it closely followed the GATT suggestions in Article XXIV and outlawed customs duties (and equivalent measures), while it equally prohibited quantitative restrictions (and equivalent measures). The EEC Treaty also contained a non-discrimination provision for imported goods, yet the latter was textually confined to fiscal measures; and the question therefore arose how the 1957 Rome Treaty would regard State regulatory measures that discriminated against out-of-State goods. This chapter explores the constitutional choices made by the original Rome Treaty and the early Court with regard to market integration.


2021 ◽  
pp. 147488512110559
Author(s):  
Fabio Wolkenstein

In recent times, representation theory has become one of the most productive and interesting sub-fields in democratic theory. Arguably, the most important theoretical innovation are the so-called ‘constructivist’ approaches to political representation. These approaches play a central role in Creating Political Presence: The New Politics of Democratic Representation and The Constructivist Turn in Political Representation, two impressive volumes that take stock of the state of the art in representation theory. I discuss the two volumes by focusing on three broader and interconnected themes: the problem that constructivism is meant to respond to, the tendency of representation theorists to expand the possibilities of representation as broadly as possible, and the normative aspects of political representation and how constructivists deal with them.


Author(s):  
Domingo Gari

Resumen: Canarias no tenía claro cómo afrontar la adhesión española a la Comunidad Económica Europea, y los temores y las incertidumbres florecieron en las clases empresariales y en la representación política. El gobierno autónomo estimaba prioritario definir la posición canaria con respecto al tema, y su compromiso se establecía en el sentido de mantener las peculiaridades económicas y fiscales, y así se lo haría saber al gobierno del estado para que éste negociara en esos términos en Bruselas. Canarias estaría en Europa de manera similar a como estaba en España. Esta fue la principal hipótesis para la negociación en la que también se reconocía la mayoría parlamentaria en la Cámara autonómica.Palabras clave: Autonomía, Bruselas, protocolo 2, España, Canarias, Europa.Abstract: It wasn´t clear in the Canary Islands how to face the Spanish accession to the European Economic Community, and fears and uncertainties flourished in the business classes and political representation. The autonomous government considered it a priority to define the Canarian position with regard to the theme, and its commitment was established in the sense of maintaining the economic and fiscal peculiarities, and so the state government would be informed so that it negotiated in those terms in Brussels. The Canary Islands would be in Europe in a similar way as it was in Spain. This was the main hypothesis for the negotiation in which the parliamentary majority in the autonomous chamber was also recognized.Keywords: Autonomy, Brussels, Protocol 2, Spain, Canary Islands, Europe.


2017 ◽  
pp. 114-127
Author(s):  
M. Klinova ◽  
E. Sidorova

The article deals with economic sanctions and their impact on the state and prospects of the neighboring partner economies - the European Union (EU) and Russia. It provides comparisons of current data with that of the year 2013 (before sanctions) to demonstrate the impact of sanctions on both sides. Despite the fact that Russia remains the EU’s key partner, it came out of the first three partners of the EU. The current economic recession is caused by different reasons, not only by sanctions. Both the EU and Russia have internal problems, which the sanctions confrontation only exacerbates. The article emphasizes the need for a speedy restoration of cooperation.


2016 ◽  
pp. 90-108
Author(s):  
Marta Witkowska

The aim of the article is to present possible scenarios on maintaining democracy in the EU, while assuming different hypothetical directions in which it could develop as a federation, empire and Europe à la carte. Selected mechanisms, norms and values of the EU system that are crucial for the functioning of democracy in the European Union are the subject of this research. The abovementioned objective of scenario development is achieved through distinguishing the notions of policy, politics and polity in the research. In the analysis of the state of democracy in the European Union both the process (politics) and the normative approach (policy) have been adopted. The characterised norms, structures, values and democratic procedures in force in the EU will become a reference point for the projected scenarios. The projection refers to a situation when the existing polity transforms into a federation, empire or Europe à la carte. The article is to serve as a projection and is a part of a wider discussion on the future of the basis on which the European Union is build.


Author(s):  
Iryna Butyrska

The author proves that the successful stability of independent Slovenia contributed to a number of factors, existing since its being incorporated in the SFRY. The factor, uniting the state has become the common goal – the aspiration to join the EU. The process of the European integration contributed to the modernization of a number of spheres, in particular social, cultural and economic ones. The global financial and economic crisis has revealed the turmoil in the economy of the state and its leadership was forced to gradually reduce a significant part of social privileges for the population. This caused the tension in the society and reduced the level of the national unity, having a negative impact on people’s wellbeing. However, since 2014, the Prime Minister M. Cherar has been trying to restore people’s trust in the state. The situation is getting better; indicators of trust in government are increasing, which also points to state capacity and political regime stability in Slovenia. Keywords: Slovenia, state stability, social sphere, government


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