scholarly journals The Politics of Queer Religion

2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 576-623 ◽  
Author(s):  
Royal G. Cravens

AbstractReligious affiliation and participation are thought to work as mobilizing structures through which religious participants accrue organizational and psychological resources, which augment political participation. Given the rejection of homosexuality by many denominations, do religious LGBT people actually accrue more positive psychological resources, and are the positive effects of religiosity on political participation mitigated when belief conflicts with identity? Informed by resource mobilization theory, the identity-threat model of stigmatization, and an intersectional approach, I conduct secondary analyses of two survey data sets of LGBT people. The results suggest that religiosity is associated with increased political participation among LGBT people; however, religious LGBT people exhibit weaker psychological association with the LGBT community and are “out” to fewer people. Furthermore, political participation is less likely among those who experience conflict between their religion and sexuality and among Evangelical Christians.

Author(s):  
Mark R. Hoffarth ◽  
Gordon Hodson

Intergroup relations and contact between groups has historically been considered a mechanism to promote support for LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender) rights. However, LGBT identities are often concealable, and stigma discourages members of the LGBT community from disclosing that they are LGBT, which may prevent contact. Some subsets of the LGBT population make up a small percentage of the overall population, which may also decrease the quantity of contact. As such, the process of coming out to friends, relatives, and coworkers has been a common strategy of the modern LGBT movement. The strategy could be effective because the intergroup contact literature has found support for intergroup contact decreasing prejudice in meta-analyses. At the same time, researchers have challenged the assertion that intergroup contact promotes social change because intergroup contact is sometimes negative, or may be impractical or avoided, positive attitudes can coincide with acceptance of inequality, and intergroup contact may have unintended negative side effects. Research has generally found support for the notion that intergroup relations are more positive when there is greater contact. For LGBT people greater contact has been associated with decreasing anti-LGBT prejudice and increasing support for LGBT rights. However, similar to other domains of contact, the influence of LGBT contact is contextually sensitive, and a combination of psychological and structural barriers can decrease or prevent the positive effects of intergroup contact. There are strategies which may overcome these limitations, through policies (e.g., protection against discrimination), promoting types of contact that promote social change as opposed to merely positive attitudes, secondary transfer of contact effects, imagined contact, indirect forms of contact, and positive media representations of LGBT people. Gaps in the literature include a relative lack of research on contact with members of the LGBT community other than gays and lesbians (particularly non-cisgender people), intergroup contact between members of different subsets of the LGBT community, and a need for experimental and/or intervention-based research.


Sexualities ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 136346072110193
Author(s):  
Henning Kaiser Klatran

This article examines the relationship between queer citizenship, state violence and the exclusion of racialized, homophobic ‘others’. Drawing on semi-structured interviews with LGBT people in Oslo, Norway, I investigate the presence of racialization in narratives of homophobic hate crime. The findings suggest that racialization structures narratives of risk assessment among several of the participants. However, in these narratives, racialization often operates through place-specific references, rather than racial and ethnic markers of identity. The narrative work thus displays ambivalence and a disassociation from racism. I argue that these narratives feed on an already established conflation of space, ethnicity, religion and homophobia, to which both mainstream media and part of the LGBT community contribute.


2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 131-156 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alecia J. McGregor ◽  
Laura M. Bogart ◽  
Molly Higgins-Biddle ◽  
Dara Z. Strolovitch ◽  
Bisola Ojikutu

AbstractBoth African American and LGBT voters can prove pivotal in electoral outcomes, but we know little about civic participation among Black LGBT people. Although decades of research on political participation has made it almost an article of faith that members of dominant groups (such as White people and individuals of higher socioeconomic status) vote at higher rates than their less privileged counterparts, recent work has suggested that there are circumstances under which members of marginalized groups might participate at higher rates. Some of this research suggests that political participation might also increase when groups perceive elections as particularly threatening. We argue that when such threats are faced by marginalized groups, the concern to protect hard-earned rights can activate a sense of what we call “political hypervigilance,” and that such effects may be particularly pronounced among members of intersectionally-marginalized groups such as LGBT African Americans. To test this theory, we use original data from the 2016 National Survey on HIV in the Black Community, a nationally-representative survey of Black Americans, to explore the relationship among same-sex sexual behavior, attitudes toward LGBT people, and respondent voting intentions in the 2016 presidential election. We find that respondents who reported having engaged in same-sex sexual behavior were strongly and significantly more likely to say they “definitely will vote” compared to respondents who reported no same-sex sexual behavior. More favorable views of LGBT individuals and issues (marriage equality) were also associated with greater intention to vote. We argue that these high rates provide preliminary evidence that political hypervigilance can, in fact, lead to increased political engagement among members of marginalized groups.


Author(s):  
Omar G. Encarnación

This book makes the case for why the United States should embrace gay reparations, or policies intended to make amends for a history of discrimination, stigmatization, and violence against the LGBT community. It contends that gay reparations are a moral imperative for bringing dignity to those whose human rights have been violated because of their sexual orientation and/or gender identity, for closing painful histories of state-sponsored victimization of LGBT people, and for reminding future generations of past struggles for LGBT equality. To make its case, the book examines how other Western democracies notorious for their oppression of homosexuals have implemented gay reparations—specifically Spain, Britain, and Germany. Their collective experience shows that although there is no universal approach to gay reparations, it is never too late for countries to seek to right past wrongs.


Author(s):  
Ertem Gulen ◽  
Oguzhan Aygoren

Political consumerism is a form of self-expression where consumers boycott or buycott a brand, company, or a product. The increase in the amount of these actions in recent years has led scholars and marketers improve their understanding of how and why consumers engage in political consumerism and what its predecessors are. By employing a wide scale survey among 360 participants in Turkey, this study presents empirical and qualitative evidence for boycott behavior and investigates how other forms of political participation and individual level characteristics have an effect on political consumerism. Results suggest main reason for boycott behavior in Turkey is due to political reasons and conservatism as an individual level value orientation has a negative effect on boycott behavior. In addition, online activism and voting participation behaviors have positive effects on political consumerism.


2020 ◽  
pp. 146144482096212
Author(s):  
Sangwon Lee ◽  
Michael Xenos

The aim of this study is to investigate the causal direction of the relationship between incidental news exposure via social media and political participation. Unlike prior studies, which have relied on cross-sectional data to examine this link, we used two panel data sets to better identify causal relationships. Specifically, we evaluate two unidirectional models (i.e. mobilization and reinforcement) and a reciprocal causal model using both cross-lagged and autoregressive path models. The findings reveal a more complex relationship than most previous studies have suggested. The relationship between incidental news exposure via social media and political participation appears to be reciprocal, with incidental news exposure and political participation indirectly influencing each other through social media use for political purposes. Furthermore, while the relationship between incidental news exposure and political participation is reciprocal, the participation-to-incidental news exposure path exerted a stronger effect than the reverse path in both studies.


2019 ◽  
Vol 89 (1) ◽  
pp. 77-92
Author(s):  
Yitschak Shnoor ◽  
Ayelet Berg-Warman

Since the late 1980s, there have been changes in attitudes toward the LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender) community in Israel. Nevertheless, the service system for the elderly is largely characterized by heteronormativity and relies on family members to help their elderly relatives. Goal: To examine the difficulties experienced by old LGBT people, particularly in receiving health and social services. Method: A total of 104 LGBT people aged 55+ years responded to a structured online questionnaire. Findings: Compared with the general elderly population, elderly LGBT people have fewer support networks, they tend to live alone, and suffer from tremendous loneliness. They are afraid of coming out to health and social service providers and of functional dependency, particularly due to their fear of disclosing their sexual orientation or gender identity, the barriers to receiving help, and the absence of family support to assist them.


2020 ◽  
Vol 38 (29_suppl) ◽  
pp. 131-131
Author(s):  
S Timpet

131 Background: Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender (LGBT) individuals make up an estimated 4% of the population, qualifying them as a sexual minority. LGBT individuals are also more likely to be a racial or gender minority, to live in poverty, and to have less social support than their heterosexual peers. LGBT populations are disproportionately affected by mental health issues such as depression, which are correlated not only with behavioral risk factors, but with less likelihood to comply with healthcare screening or treatment. Approximately 30% of LGBT adults do not seek health care services or lack a regular health care provider, compared with 10% of heterosexuals. Research studies demonstrate that knowledge about increased risks and need for screening is low in LGBT populations. Sub-populations are less likely to have had a recent mammogram, anal or cervical Pap, or a prostate exam. Methods: We implemented a population-oriented program into our community outreach team in 2019 to address LGBT cancer disparities. A program manager partnered with community resources and leaders, including the Cleveland LGBT Community Center, Plexus LGBT Chamber of Commerce, and Trans Ohio. First year programming included a mammogram clinic for sexual/gender minority (SGM) women, “Cancer is a DRAG” show, and a tobacco-free campaign for LGBT pride month. Results: Creating meaningful partnerships was extremely important to community leaders and organizations. Strategic plans include direct community input and engagement through a community council, in conjunction with the LGBT Community Center, a breast cancer awareness campaign, in conjunction with local entertainers, and a tobacco cessation program, through our Center for LGBT Care. We educated over 150 people and screened over 85 within the first year. Conclusions: When our healthcare institution met local LGBT people within their community, the result was quite impactful. This pilot program proved successful at educating members of the community about their increased cancer risk, which resulted in higher cancer screening rates for LGBT people. More programs tailored to LGBT-specific health concerns are important to continue reaching these populations and eventually decrease health disparities in the community.


2001 ◽  
Vol 13 (S1) ◽  
pp. 29-39 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ian McDowell ◽  
Margaret Stewart ◽  
Betsy Kristjansson ◽  
Elizabeth Sykes ◽  
Gerry Hill ◽  
...  

The Canadian Study of Health and Aging collected data focusing on the epidemiology of dementia, using interviews and questionnaires, clinical and neuropsychological examinations, physical measurements and blood collection, and access to public records such as death certificates, from people 65 and over in community (N = 9,008) institutional settings (N = 1,255). The study produced 12 data sets, including community health interviews, clinical and neuropsychological assessements, risk factor questionnaires, and caregiver interviews. This report describes the data collection and processing procedures, summarizes the content of each data set, and outlines the information collected in sufficient detail to permit its suitability for secondary analyses to be scrutinized.


2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 328-337 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nader H. Hakim ◽  
Ludwin E. Molina ◽  
Nyla R. Branscombe

The increasingly xenophobic U.S. climate warrants a close investigation of Arab American responses to discrimination. We conducted secondary analyses of two large data sets to examine social identity processes and their relationship to well-being. In a representative sample of Muslim Arab Americans (Study 1, n = 228), discrimination was related to decreased American identification, which in turn predicted lower well-being. Another large sample of Arab Americans (Study 2, n = 1,001) revealed how social identity processes differ by religious group. For Christian Arab Americans, discrimination predicted an indirect negative effect on well-being through decreased American identification. Muslim Arab Americans showed the same pattern, but also stronger religious and ethnic identification the more they experienced discrimination, which partially buffered the harmful effects on well-being. These data present a social cohesion challenge where the maintenance of national identity necessitates less discrimination and injustice against minorities.


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